A note on the Linguistic Turkicization of Azerbaijan, Arran and Sherwan (Shir-e Dalir,2009)
On the Linguistic Turkicization of Azerbaijan, Arran and Sherwan there has not been any
detailed study (for example a book or a Ph.D. Thesis) as far as I know. The work of Kasravi
although a good start needs much more work since much new evidence has been unearthed since
his demise.
Three drawbacks I have seen with regards to currents studies are:
Authors have lumped Azerbaijan, Arran and Sherwan together although Turkicization occurred
differently and at different pace in these areas.
Authors have not distinguished between nomadic plains (say the Mughan steppes) and urban city
centers. It takes many generation to give up the nomadic lifestyle, for semi-nomadic lifestyle, to
rural settlements and finally to urban settlement.
Authors have not looked in detail at the differences of Islamic sects. For example in Western
Iran unlike Khorasan, the population was mainly Shafi'i where-as the Turks that entered the
region were overwhelmingly Hanafi.
This study is not a complete study but it sheds light on sources that scholars have overlooked.
For example our main concern are the linguistic Turkicization of the Muslims of the area. It also
uses the three above points to study the linguistic Turkicization of Azerbaijan in detail. Finally,
we take a look at some arguments in the Appendix that carry no weight but have been
promogulated for non- scientific reasons. Overall the study shows that until the Safavid period,
the Turkicization of Azerbaijan and Sherwan were far from complete. Some other authors have
mentioned that Turkification was near complete near the end of the Seljuq or Mongol era, but
direct evidence provided here contradicts them. On Arran we have less data after the Mongol
period although an important manuscript is brought to light. What this study does highlight is
important manuscripts that have been neglected that shed light upon the the linguistic
Turkicization of Azerbaijan, Arran and Sherwan.
Regional Iranian culture in Arran/Sherwan and Azerbaijan 2
Iranic languages and people of Azerbaijan 13
Language of Tabriz as a special case 18
Maragheh 23
Another look at the linguistic Turkification of Azerbaijan, Arran and Sherwan 24
Appendix: Response to two arguments with regards to the population of Turks in Caucasus 36
Do "Turkish" soldiers in Baghdad during the early Abbasid period have anything to do with
Caucasus and Azerbaijan 36
Akbar Kitab al-Tijan: The Arab folklore Kitab al-Tijan and fight between mythical Yemenese
Kings and Turks in Azerbaijan has no historical validity 39
Regional Iranian culture in Arran/Sherwan
and Azerbaijan
Estakhri of 10th century also states:
"In Azerbeijan, Armenia and Arran they speak Persian and Arabic, except for the area around the
city of Dabil: they speak Armenian around that city, and in the country of Barda people speak
Arranian."
Original Arabic:
9 i<UJuOj\Ju OgjoJSijJ L^jJIcp* 9 Jjji J-fi>l ul >*£■ <Uj_>sdl 9 'Ij-.-UjlaJI ul_JI 9 <UJijjOjI 9 ube^jjil uL-oJ 9
(Estakhari, Abu Eshaq Ebrahim. Masalek va Mamalek. Bonyad Moqufat Dr. Afshar, Tehran,
1371 (1992-1993))
Al-Muqaddasi (d. late 4th/10th cent.) considers Azerbaijan and Arran (sometimes it included
Sherwan as in this case) as part of the 8th division of lands. He states:
"The languages of the 8th division is Iranian (al-'ajamyya). It is partly Dari and partly
convoluted (monqaleq) and all of them are named Persian"
(Al-Moqaddasi, Shams ad-Din Abu Abdallah Muhammad ibn Ahmad, Ahsan al-Taqasi fi
Ma'rifa al-Aqalim, Translated by Ali Naqi Vaziri, Volume One, First Edition, Mu'alifan and
Mutarjiman Publishers, Iran, 1981, pg 377.)
.l3_>Jj9 v_S\JLkjJLc >iSi ^jOJ-jJ ./XjJlS\l| QSjSLO i_S^9 ,/0>J_«JjlsLjl iJ-iuJsA .JuOJ»I jjjJu&^jO "^JJIAjX^jI tjjjJI^JJJjCXjuJ h^-uj-VjLoJI
.377 ijo .1361 .ol_>jl oLoj-jJuo 9 olaJ^ oljLjuuul .J9I v^ '1 -^-^
Al-Muqaddasi also writes on the general region of Armenia, Arran and Azerbaijan and states:
"They have big beards, their speech is not attractive. In Arminya they speak Armenian, in al-
Ran, Ranian (Aranian); Their Persian is understandable, and is close to Khurasanian (Dari
Persian) in sound"
(Al-Muqaddasi, 'The Best Divisions for Knowledge of the Regions', a translation of his Ahsan
al-Taqasim fi Ma 'rifat al-Aqalim by B.A. Collins, Centre for Muslim Contribution to
Civilization, Garnet Publishing Limited, 1994. pg 334).
Thus from Muqaddasi we can see that a regional Persian language was spoken in the area and
cross referencing with Estakhri, we can conjecture that this was the main language of the muslim
population, specially in the urban areas.
According to C. E. Bosworth:
"North of the Aras, the distinct, presumably Iranian, speech of Arran long survived, called by
Ebn Hawqal al-Raniya"
(Azerbaijan: Islamic History to 1941, Encyclopedia Iranica).
Although we do not have any manuscripts of al-Raniya to really judge the nature of this dialect
(weather it was a dialect of Parthian or Iranian languages, or was it a Caucasian language or non-
standard dialect of Armenian?), nearby the Kur river, in the town of Barda'in Arran:
"The fertile rural environs produced much fruit (with a particularly noted variety of figs), nuts,
and also the ay estuff madder (rilnds), which was exported as far as India. In the Kor and other
nearby rivers, the sturgeon (sormdhi from Persian surmdhi, salt fish) and other tasty fish were
caught; and there was extensive production of textiles, including silks (see Ebn Hawqal, pp. 337-
39, 347, 349, tr. Kramers, II, pp. 330-32, 340, 342; Maqdesi, [Moqaddasi] , p. 375; Hodudal-
Aalam, tr. Minorsky, pp. 143-44, sees. 36.21, 36.30; R. B. Serjeant, Islamic Textiles. Material for
a History up to the Mongol Conquest, Beirut, 1972, p. 69)"
(Barda, Encyclopedia Iranica, Bosworth).
The word sormdhi which Prof. Bosworth derives from Shurmahi in Persian could actually be red
fish (sor/suhr being the Pahlavi for red which in modern Persian is Surkh). Al-Muqaddasi
translates the "Monday"to Yam al-Ithnayn which in Persian and Iranian dialects is Doshanbeh
(the second day). An important point to mention is that Ganja like many other pre-Seljuq
topynoms has an Iranian name, which naturally reflects the fact that it was founded by Iranian
settlers (C.E. Bosworth, "Ganja", Encyclopedia Iranica). One should also mention the native
Iranian (Parthian/Persian) dynasty which ruled over the area of Arran up to at least the 8th
century.
Al-Mas'udi the Arab Historian States:
"The Persians are a people whose borders are the Mahat Mountains and Azarbaijan up to
Armenia and Arran, and Bayleqan and Darband, and Ray and Tabaristan and Masqat and
Shabaran and Jorjan and Abarshahr, and that is Nishabur, and Herat and Marv and other places
in land of Khorasan, and Sejistan and Kerman and Fars and Ahvaz...All these lands were once
one kingdom with one sovereign and one language... although the language differed slightly. The
language, however, is one, in that its letters are written the same way and used the same way in
composition. There are, then, different languages such as Pahlavi, Dari, Azari, as well as other
Persian languages."
Source:
Al Mas'udi, Kitab al-Tanbih wa-1-Ishraf, De Goeje, M.J. (ed.), Leiden, Brill, 1894, pp. 77-8.
Thus Masu'di testifies to the Iranian presence in the Caucuses and Azerbaijan during the 10th
century and even names a local Iranian dialect called Azari and says Persian peoples in Arran,
Armenia and Darband and Bayleqan spoke Persian languages.
This Iranian culture was strong in the region and perhaps even grew during the Seljuqs and
llkhanids. It is only with the Safavids that probably the traditional Sufi-Shafi'ite oriented Persian
culture faded away.
Probably the best example to show the extent of Iranian culture and population in Arran and
Shirawn is through the book Nozhat al-Majalis. There are 114 poets in Persian just from this
book in the area of Azerbaijan, Arran, and Shirwan.
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.t_s^jl9_Huj Juljujj .42 .i_s^jLaJLu aj-jujj .41 n_svjjuj jji^-i .40 .j\ILuj >JL2»i .39 .3^*5 > ■ ;It> jjL?-i .38 .9IS /vi> jj^o
.49 .Jualj .48 .s^v9> g-^j -47 .lS^I vjjI^Ij g^j .46 «s\°cx£ q^>j .45 ,ssIcl=cJlS c*-^^ -44 «s\qj>l& j^Jjj .43
.v-solgj-ni -U2JUJ .54 .ssIoj*^ asjuj .53 .jla^> j^juj .52 .v^ujbtjuj .51 .ssl clcIjjo v^Sj .50 .(j9jj\lb) <s\£\ ^sSj
.60 nj^-cl>o iSj-ili .59 njoLaJLj qJL^> ^jjJj .58 .£>9jjL«jj ^_>juj .57 ■ ^-'juuJ-aJ ^-s-t-^ -56 .i_sol_>jjii' -Xj_hjj -55
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>c .79 .sSlt^iljjo CiLc^ic .78 .sSlo^*^ ^jjsJIa+c .77 .sSlqil^o ^jj^j^b .76 .c^jAjJj x-gi= .75 .^sosJ&i* x-e-t= -74
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<^>\s .91 .v^sls .90 .vjolsj^ i^ils .89 .oijUii _p*s .88 .ssIclcIjjo jj*s .87 «*s\ocxj& _p*s .86 .sS^jI _>1j9jI
jjoxgji Jl&S .96 ,>j>siJlojl Jb>S .95 .ssIcl;^ s^olas .94 .sS^^+j ^^jloc y.M .93 .sSj^l y.M .92 ..jjoJUj
j .^ i -xjs .101 n-sJLjijl i-jj-43 -ijo^=«> -100 njOLaJLj j+sxjs .99 ■ i_s*.uuLiJLaj > g .; la I .98 . vjvjuuuJLaj JL&S .97 .i^Sj^jI
.106 .sSloj^JiS vJvJLujl^jo .105 .^sOlgjjJj^jji ijJ-'JIv-J^o -104 IS:sy9^b v>i"> -103 .i-S^jjjj jolon .102 .sSlci^eJiS
^SvjoUaJ .111 c^S\a^fJ& jj.n) .110 ■sSl'^scJiS <_juJ*j -109 <<-Sl^j=eJ^ /5J=cJ .108 ._>SLo>rHuj /5J=cJ .107 .^Ij-^ ^S^o
,_sjl9_>j_ni' Jjii" JLcx?-114- .i^S^jjjj ij\(^«J -113 n-sOlgj-njj ijjjj^j .112 .i^Slci^eJiS
We note none of these poets have a Turkish name. In the introduction, we read that the quatrains
by these Persian poets were song in the Khanaqah (Sufi Houses), Bazars, Streets (Kucheh) and
thus Persian was the common and every day language of Muslims in Arran and Shirwan at the
time. Some of these poets are women who did not usually receive education but their Persian
poetry shows the widespreadness of the Persian language during that time. The book was written
between 1225 to 1290 and the only manuscript is from Istanbul dated to the early 14th century.
The book is a complete mirror of the culture of Arran and Shirwan at that time.
(Jamal Khalil Shirvani, Nozhat al-Majlesh, Edited by Mohammad Amin Riyahi, Tehran, 1987)
Here we have also included the full article from Iranica which shows the common Persian
language and heritage of the region before its linguistic Turkification. Some excerpts which we
have bolded illustrate the full extent of Iranian culture at the time:
NOZHAT AL-MAJALES, an anthology of some 4,000 quatrains (roba'i; a total of 4,139 quatrains,
54 of which have been repeated in the text) by some 300 poets of the 5th to 7th/llth-13th
centuries, compiled around the middle of the 7th/13th century by the Persian poet Jamal-al-Din
Kalil Sarvani. The book is arranged by subject in 17 chapters (babs) divided into 96 different
sections (namat). The anthology also includes 179 quatrains and an ode (qasida) of 50 distiches
written by the author himself, who is also credited with one lyric (Qazal) in Mohammad
Jajarmi's Mo'nes al-ahrar.
As stated in Jamal-al-Din's own ode at the end of the book, he compiled his anthology in the
name of Ala'-al-Din Sarvansah Fariborz III (r. 1225-51), son of Gostasb and dedicated it to him.
It has reached us in a unique manuscript copied by Esmail b. Esfandiar b. Mohammad b.
Esfandiar Abhari on 25 Sawwal 731/31 July 1331, and is presently bound together in one
volume with the divan of Fakr-al-Din 'Eraqi at the Suleymaniye Library in Turkey (no. 1667)
among Wali-al-Din Jar-Allah's collection. This manuscript embraces some 77 leaves (fols. 41a-
118a), each page having 27 lines. The first few leaves of the book, which had probably
embodied a preface in prose, have been lost. Fritz Meier (p. 117) and Christian Rempis (1935, p.
179) have erroneously taken Esmail b. Esfandiar, the copyist, to be the author of the book.
The manuscript of Nozhat al-majales was first described by Hellmut Ritter (pp. 223-33). Three
years later, in 1935, Rempis extracted and published the quatrains of Omar Khayyam (Kayyam)
recorded in the anthology, and in 1963 Fritz Meier performed the same task for Mahasti's
quatrains. The first Persian scholar to use this anthology was Mohammad-Ali Forugi, who
obtained a copy of the manuscript and incorporated 31 quatrains of Khayyam found there in his
edition of the Roba'iyat-e Kayyam (pp. 35-44). Said Nafisi (pp. 176-77) wrote on the Nozhat al-
majales and extracted the names of the unknown poets of Arran and Sarvan who were
mentioned in the anthology. Mohammad-Taqi Danespazuh, in his article describing this
anthology, rearranged the list of names extracted by Nafisi according to the names of the poets'
hometowns and also gave the list of the subject matter in each section of the book (pp. 573-
81).
Nozhat al-majales belongs to an era when quatrains were very popular and formed substantial
sections in the divans of major poets of the time such as Anwari, Attar, Sanai, Kaqani, Rumi,
and Kamal-al-Din Esmail. Sadid-al-Din Mohammad 'Awfi (d. ca. 1232-33) remarked in his
biographical anthology Lobab al-albab, that many poets wrote only quatrains. At about 1192,
approximately a hundred years before the compilation of Nozhat al-majales, a similar
anthology of quatrains entitled Majma ' al-roba 'iyat had been compiled in Ankara by Abu
Hanifa Abd-al-Karim b. Abi Bakr, an incomplete copy of which is now at the library of Halat
Afandi (Ates, pp. 94-133). Jajarmi also devoted the twenty-eighth chapter of his Mo 'nes al-
ahrar (comp. 1340) to roba 7s, comprising 470 quatrains. In another recently discovered
anthology, entitled Safina-ye Tabriz, a major part called "Kolasat al-as'arfi'l-roba'iyat" contains
498 quatrains arranged in 50 sections (bab). Most of them, however, are selected from Nozhat
al-majales and in a number of cases offer a more reliable reading (Afsar, pp. 535-38).
Nozhat al-majales is a very valuable source for identifying the authors of many quatrains which
had been wrongly attributed to major poets or whose authors had not been identified at all. For
example, eighty quatrains published in Badi'-al-Zaman Foruzanfar's edition of Rumi's Divan-e
Sams are now proven to belong to other poets, due to their inclusion in this anthology. The
same is true about nine quatrains attributed to Hafez in some old manuscripts of his divan.
Another significant merit of Nozhat al-majales is that it contains the quatrains of a number of
poets whose collected works are no longer extant. For instance, the thirty-three quatrains by
Khayyam and the sixty quatrains by Mahasti found in this anthology are among the oldest and
most reliable collections of their works. Nozhat al-majales also comprises many quatrains by
such scholars and mystics as Avicenna, Ahmad Ghazali, Majd-al-Din Bagdadi, and Ahmad-e Jam,
who had never been recognized as poets, and such poets and writers as Nezami Ganjavi, Asadi
Tusi, Fakr-al-Din Asad Gorgani, and Onsor-al-Ma'ali Kaykavus, who had been known only by
their major works and hardly any poems had been ascribed to them; as well as quatrains by a
number of rulers and statesmen, including the Saljuk sultan Togrol, Ats'i'z Kwarazmsah, Fariborz
Sarvansah, Sams-al-Din Mohammad Jovayni, Malek Zawzan, Solaymansah of Iva, Amir Kamyar,
and Ala'-al-Din Kabud-jama.
The most significant merit of Nozhat al-majales, as regards the history of Persian literature, is
that it embraces the works of some 115 poets from the northwestern Iran (Arran, Sarvan,
Azerbaijan; including 24 poets from Ganja alone), where, due to the change of language, the
heritage of Persian literature in that region has almost entirely vanished. The fact that
numerous quatrains of some poets (e.g. Amir Sams-al-Din Asad of Ganja, Aziz Sarvani, Sams
Sojasi, Amir Najib-al-Din Omar of Ganja, Badr Teflisi, Kamal Maragi, Saraf Saleh Baylaqani,
Borhan Ganja i, Elyas Ganja i, Baktiar Sarvani) are mentioned together like a series tends to
suggest the author was in possession of their collected works. Nozhat al-majales is thus a
mirror of the social conditions at the time, reflecting the full spread of Persian language and
the culture of Iran throughout that region, clearly evidenced by the common use of spoken
idioms in poems as well as the professions of the some of the poets (see below). The
influence of the northwestern Pahlavi language, for example, which had been the spoken
dialect of the region, is clearly observed in the poems contained in this anthology.
It is noteworthy, however, that in the period under discussion, the Caucasus region was
entertaining a unique mixture of ethnic cultures. Kaqani's mother was a Nestorian Christian,
Mojir Baylqani's mother was an Armenian, and Nezami's mother was a Kurd. Their works
reflect the cultural and linguistic diversity of the region. Hobays b. Ebrahim Teflisi paraded his
knowledge of different languages by mentioning the name of the drugs in his medical
dictionary, Taqwim al-adwia in several languages, including Persian, Arabic, Syriac, and
Byzantine Greek. This blending of cultures certainly left its mark on the works of the poets of
the region, resulting in the creation of a large number of new concepts and terms, the examples
of which can be noticed in the poems of Kaqani and Nezami, as well as in dictionaries.
In contrast to poets from other parts of Persia, who mostly belonged to higher echelons of
society such as scholars, bureaucrats, and secretaries, a good number of poets in the
northwestern areas rose from among the common people with working class backgrounds,
and they frequently used colloquial expressions in their poetry. They are referred to as water
carrier [saqqa '), sparrow dealer ( osfori), saddler (sarraj), bodyguard (jandar), oculist
(kahhal), blanket maker (lehafi), etc., which illustrates the overall use of Persian in that
region. Chapter eleven of the anthology contains interesting details about the everyday life of
the common people, their clothing, the cosmetics used by women, the games people played
and their usual recreational practices such as pigeon fancying (kabutar-bazi; p. 444), even-or-
odd game (taq yajoft bazi; p. 446), exercising with a sledgehammer (potk zadan; p. 443), and
archery (tir-andazi; p. 444). There are also descriptions of the various kinds of musical
instruments such as daf (tambourine; see DAF[F] and DAYERA), ney (reed pipe), and cang
(harp), besides details of how these instruments were held by the performers (pp. 150-63).
One even finds in this anthology details of people's everyday living practices such as using a
pumice [sang-e pa) to scrub the sole of their feet and gel-e sarsur to wash their hair (pp. 440-
41).
Nozhat al-majales suffers from certain structural shortcomings. The overriding concern of the
author has been to arrange the quatrains strictly according to their contents, therefore paying
little heed to the names of the poets of the verses. This has occasionally led to the attribution
of a particular quatrain to two different persons. The scribe has not been very careful in doing
his work either. He has apparently transcribed all of the available poetry first and then added
the names of their poets so haphazardly that the name of a poet is sometimes mentioned
either further down or further up than the place where his quatrains are located. Some of the
errors and oversights have been identified in the edited version, and, following the publication
of the text, Sayyed AN Mir-Afzali pointed out a number of other errors missed by the editor
(see bibliography).
Bibliography:
I raj Afsar, "Noska bargardan-e safina-ye Tabriz," Nama-ye baharestan 6, 2002, pp. 535-38.
A. Ates, "Hicri VI-VIII (XIV) asirlarda anadolu'da farsca eserler," Turkiyat mecmuasi 7-8, 1945, pp.
13-94.
Mohammad-Taqi Danespazuh, Fehrest-e microfilmha-ye ketab-kana-ye markazi-e Danesgah-e
Tehran, 1969, p. 42.
Idem, "Nozhat al-majales-e Jamal-al-Din Kalil Sarvani," Rahnema-ye ketab 15/7-9, 1972, pp. 569-
84.
Jamal-al-Din Kalil Sarvani, Nozhat al-majales, ed. Mohammad Amin Riahi, Tehran, 2nd ed. Tehran,
1996.
Omar Kayyam (Omar Khayyam), Roba'iyat-e Kayyam, ed. Mohammad-Ali Forugi and Qasem
Gani, Tehran, 1942, editors' Intr., p. 35.
Jalal Matini, "Nozhat al-majales: talif-e Jamal-al-Din Kalil Sarvani," Iran-senasi/lranshenasi 1/3,
1989, pp. 574-82.
Fritz Meier, Die schon Mahsati: Ein beitrage zur geschichte des persischen vierzeilers I, Wiesbaden,
1963, pp. XII, 412.
Sayyed "AN Mirafzali, "Barresi-e Nozhat-al-majales," Ma'aref 14/1-2, 1977, pp. 90-147.
Idem, "Moqayesa-ye roba'iyat-e do majmu'a-ye kohan," Nasr-e danes8, no. 40, 2004, pp. 36-42.
Abu'l-Majd Mohammad b. Mahmud Tabrizi, Safina-ye Tabriz, facsimile ed., Tehran, 2002. Said
Nafisi, Nazm o natr, pp. 176-77.
Christian Herrnhold Rempis, 'Omar Chajjam und seine Vierzeiler, Tubingen and New York, 1935.
Idem, Neue beitrage zur Chajjam-forschung, Sammlungorientalistischer Arbeiten 17 Leipzig, 1943.
Hellmut Ritter, "Nachdichtungen persischer poesie," in T. Menzel, ed., Festschrift Georg Jacob zum
siebsiegsten Geburstag..., Leipzig, 1932.
Ahmad Soheyli Kvansari, Roba 'iyat-e Hakima Mahasti dabir, Tehran, 1992. Parviz Varjavand, Iran
wa Qafqaz, Arran wa Sarvan, Tehran, 1999, pp. 203-66.
(Mohammad Amin Riahi)
December 15, 2008
(Mohammad Amin Riahi, "Nozhat al-Majales" in Encyclopedia Iranica)
Thus books like Nozhat al-Majales show that the people in the Arran and Sherwan region spoke
regional Iranian dialects and were fully part of the Persian cultural milieu. Such a book as
Nozhat al-Majales does not exist from the area in Turkish because at that time, the urban
dwellers of major cities were Persian culturally and spoke Iranian dialects. Thus the book is a
decisive proof about the culture of the area and ends any speculation by politicized authors.
As shown by the Nozhat al-Majales, we note that not only court poets, but everyday people who
have various trades and works, women, and etc. have left us a glimpse of the prevalent Iranian
culture of the area at one time. Every day words like "Sang-pa" and "Gel-e-Sarshur" shows that
Persian and Iranian languages were the native language of Ganja (where 24 poets are mentioned
in this book alone which by itself is sufficient since politicized authors cannot even demonstrate
a single Turkish verse from any author from that era) and urban Islamic areas of Arran and
Sherwan. As noted by the major scholar of this work (Shaadravan Mohammad Amin Riahi, a
native of Khoy in Iran): "Nozhat al-majales is thus a mirror of the social conditions at the
time, reflecting the full spread of Persian language and the culture of Iran throughout that
region, clearly evidenced by the common use of spoken idioms in poems as well as the
professions of the some of the poets (see below). The influence of the northwestern Pahlavi
language, for example, which had been the spoken dialect of the region, is clearly observed
in the poems contained in this anthology."
Thus the important of Nozhat al-Majales for the study of the region's history as well as the study
of some of the more uncommon symbols of poetry used from the areas of Sherwan and Arran
cannot be underestimated.
According to Russian sources("Caucasus in IV-XI centuries" in Rostislav Borisovich Rybakov
(editor), History of the East. 6 volumes, v. 2. "East during the Middle Ages: Chapter V., 2002. - ISBN
5-02-01771 1-3. http://www.kulichki.com/~gumilev/HE2/he2103.htm)
necTpoe b 3THHuecKOM nnaHe HaceneHue neBoGepeacHou AnGaHuu b sto BpeMH Bee Gonbiiie
nepexoAHT Ha nepcuACKHH 5i3biK. rnaBHbiM o6pa30M sto othochtcji k ropoAaM Aparra h
IIIupBaHa, Kax crann b IX-X bb. HMeHOBaTbca £Ba rnaBHbie oGnacTH Ha TeppnTopHH
A3ep6aHA»caHa. Hto Kacaeroi cenbcicoro HaceneHHJi, to oho, no-BHflHMOMy, b ochobhom
coxpaHJuio erne AOJiroe BpeMH cboh crapbie jbmkh, poACTBeHHbie coBpeMeHHbiM AarecraHCKHM,
npeac^e Bcero ne3rHHCKOMy.
Translation:
The multi-ethnic population of Albania left-bank at this time is increasingly moving to the
Persian language. Mainly this applies to cities of Aran and Shirwan, as begin from 9-10 centuries
named two main areas in the territory of Azerbaijan. With regard to the rural population, it would
seem, mostly retained for a long time, their old languages, related to modern Daghestanian
family, especially Lezgin.
And Igor Diakonov states:
[http://uni-persona.srcc.msu.su/site/authors/djakonov/posl_gl.htm /J^jikohob, Hropb
MnxaHjiOBKH. KHHra BOcnoMHHaHHH. H3AaTejibCTBO "EBponencKHH aom", CaHKT-neTep6ypr,
1995., 1995]. - ISBN 5-85733-042-4. CTp. 730-731 [[Igor Diakonov]]. The book of memoirs: (
Nizami) was not Azeri but Persian (Iranian) poet, and though he lived in presently Azerbaijani
city of Ganja, which, like many cities in the region, had Iranian population in Middle Ages,
(russian text: (HroaMH) 6bui He a3ep6aHA»caHCKHH, a nepcHACKHH (npaHCKHH) no3T, xora jkhji
oh b Hbme a3ep6aHAacaHCKOM ropoAe TaHAace, KOTopaa, icaic h GojibuiHHCTBO 3AeuiHHx ropoAOB,
HMena b CpeAHne Bexa npaHCKoe HaceneHne)..
Late 15th century Persian poets like Badr Shirwan who has left 12500 Persian lines and 60
Turkish and dozens or so of verses in the peculiar Persian Kenarab dialect show examples of
Iranian dialects in the region. For example Badr Sherwani has poetry in the Kenarab Persian
dialect.
We should also mention the many Iranic words collects in a medical dictionary by a person from
Shirwan. The book Dastur al-Adwiyah written around 1400 A.D. also lists some of these native
words for plants in Shirwan, Beylakan, Arran: Shang, Babuneh, Bahmanak, Shirgir,
KurKhwarah, Handal, Harzeh, Kabudlah (Beylakani word , standard Persian: Kabudrang),
Moshkzad, Kharime, Bistam, Kalal.
(Sadeqi, Ali Ashraf, "New words from the Old Language of Arran, Shirvan and Azerbaijan "(in
Persian), Iranian Journal of Linguistics, Vol. 17, No 1(33), pp 22-41, 1381/2002). Usually words
for native plants and fish (ShurMahi/SorMahi) would be a word from the native language of the
region and this shows the wide usage of Iranic dialects in the region at the time. As shown by
the Nozhat al-Majales, also words for food, games, music instruments and everyday cultural
items, hobbies and jobs are also all in Persian. This makes it clear that in Arran and Sherwan as
mentioned by al-Muqaddesi and other travelers, Persian and Iranic languages were predominant.
Mention should also be made of Kurds of thearea.
Vladimir Minorsky writes (V. Minorsky, Studies in Caucasian History, Cambridge University
Press, 1957. pg 34):
"The author of the collection of documents relating to Arran Mas'ud b. Namdar (c. 1 100) claims
Kurdish nationality. The mother of the poet Nizami of Ganja was Kurdish (see autobiographical
digression in the introduction of Layli wa Majnun). In the 16th century there was a group of 24
septs of Kurds in Qarabagh, see Sharaf-nama, I, 323. Even now the Kurds of the USSR are
chiefly grouped south of Ganja. Many place-names composed with Kurd are found on both
banks of theKur"
Indeed the Kurdish presence goes back to at least Shaddadid times. According to Dr. Sadeqi:
"Masudi points to the presence of Kurds in Armenia, Aran, Beylakan and Darband. Ibn Fiqiyeh,
when describing the conquest of Arran and Balasagan (a region located for the most part south of
the lower course of the rivers Kura and the Aras (Araxes), bordered on the south by Atropatene
and on the east by the Caspian Sea.) mentions Salman ibn Rabi'a inviting the Kurds of
Balasagan to islam. Baladhuri also mentions the Kurds of Balasagan, Sabalan and Satrudan.
Istakhri and Ibn Hawqal also mention the Bab al-Ikrad near Barda'. Baladhuri also mentions the
Nahr-e-Akrad (Kurdish river) in Armenia. Shaddadids which ruled over parts of Armenia and
Arran were also Kurds"(Sadeqi Ali Ashraf, "The conflict between Persian and Turkish in Arran
and Shirvan", Iranian Journal of Linguistics, Vol. 18, No. 1 (35), pp 1-12, 2003)
The Encyclopedia of Islam also states:
Mas'udi (about 332/943) and Istakhri (340/951) are the first to give systematic information about
the Kurds. In the Murudj al-dhahab (iii, 253) Mas'udi enumerates the following tribes: at
Dinawar and Hamadhan: Shuhdjan; at Kangawar: Maddjurdan; in Adharbaydjan (so the text
should be emended): Hadhabani and Sarat (probably Shurat=Khridjis [q.v.]; cf. the story of
Daysam below); in Djibal: Shadandjan, Lazba (Lurri?), Madandjan, Mazdanakan, Barisan,
Khali(Djalali), Djabarki, Djawani and Mustakan; in Syria: Dababila etc.; at Mawsil and Djudi
the Christian Kurds: al-Ya'kubiyya ("Jacobites") and the Djurkan (Djurughan). To this list, the
Tanbih of the same author (88-91) only adds Bazindjan (cf. Istakhri, 155), Nashawira, Budhikan
and Kikan (at the present day found near Mar'ash), but he gives a list of the places where there
were Kurds: the rumum (zumuml) of Fars, Kirman, Sidjistan, Khurasan, (Istakhri, 282: a Kurd
village in the canton of Asadabad), Isfahan (a section of the Bazandjan tribe and a flourishing
town described as Kurd, Yakubi 275; Istakhri, 125), Djibal, notably Mah Kufa, Mah basra, Mah
Sabadhan (Masabadhan) and the two Ighars (i.e. Karadj Abi Dulaf and Burdj),Hamadhan,
Shahrizur, with its dependencies Darabad and Shamghan (Zimkan), Adharbaydjan, Armenia
(at Dwin on the Araxes the Kurds lived in houses built of clay and of stone; Mukaddasi,
277), Arran (one of the gates of Bardha'a was called Bab al-Akrad and Ibn Miskaawayh
says that at the invasion of the Rus in 332/942 the local governor had Kurds under his
command), Baylakan, Bab al-Abwab (Darband), al-Djazira, Syria and al-Thughur (i.e. the
line of fortresses along the Cilician frontier).
(Bois, Th.; Minorsky, V.; Bois, Th.; Bois, Th.; MacKenzie, D.N.; Bois, Th. "Kurds, Kurdistan."
Encyclopaedia of Islam. Edited by: P. Bearman , Th. Bianquis , C.E. Bosworth , E. van Donzel
and W.P. Heinrichs. Brill, 2007.)
Also Hamdullah Mostowfi mentions the province of Goshtasfi in the Caucasus in the Ilkhanid
era. According to Mostowfi, this Caucasus region lying between the rivers Aras and Kur and the
adjoining Caspian Sea spoke Pahlavi close to Jilani (Gilaki) and were followers of Imam Shafi'i.
Actual quote:
jl <«Sj_>J <-S>gJ 3 OJ*ljUj \j 0\ l_l_Ajjlj^J (JJ V_l_JUj LjLJULO CO CjlJULH (_Jv^-AJJ LjLJUUO Cjji^ Uji <wM jLo jl
tolc (JjoJLqI> .cIjls-Ljuj ulsljS >-SL^ji ul jj 3 cUjuub^j Ldi«_S^>- ul jl 3 CjljujIojj^j (jjjjl 3 j5 v'
t-Scjlpj uLuuuuj. (_sv29Luj jo\jo\ v_*j5iijO jj 3 Jj I bj^zrl+S-uj <Jjuuo:>_)jO igj 69^0 3 °IjJj. <-SjjI igu>J
Ju^ (JjuujIjOO <J$slo oJ^i j9^Jo jl (Jjjuj ^jLuj ulol y (jjuuJl^ji \3^>" .CjljujI^jljuuu ju (_jJ\Lj%j
_>5LuulC oLcUa9l °c>§ ji 3 CjljujI jljJi J^iiLj 3 jljjSi 0 v>ff> 3 Ju^s U9J1SI 3 Cj^juuloigj uloj ,jjI 0L09J
JljiJjIj Jj^iio JjI o^Luj I_jJ I <^5
(Mostowfi, Hamdallah. "Nozhat al-Qohib " . Edit by Muhammad Dabir Sayyaqi. Tahuri
publishers, 1957.)
The current Turkic Oghuz language spoken in Azerbaijan and Arran has its roots with the
Turkoman/Oghuz nomads that arrived in the region during the Seljuq incursions. But this
movement was small relative to the bulk of population. However, a large amount of nomads
entered the area during the Mongol invasion. But in reality, the steadily replacement of the old
Iranian dialects by Turkish takes a turning point around the beginning of the Safavid dynasty's
rule in Persia. Although there are still Tati settlements in Iranian Azerbaijan and Iranian speakers
in Arran, which is in the territory of the modern Republic of Azerbaijan. West Azerbaijan region
of Iran also was predominantely Kurdish until the Safavid era and even today, Kurds make up
between 50 to 70% according to some sources.
Many Turkic speaking nomads had chosen the green pastures of Azerbaijan, Arran and Shirvan
for their settlement during the advent of the Seljuq. However, they only filled in the pasturelands
while the farmlands, villages and the cities remained Iranic in language. The linguistic
conversion of Azerbaijan had much to do the conversion of the Azeris into Shiism, when large
number of heterodox Shi'ite Kizilbash tribes moved from Anatolia, Rum and Syria into the
Safavid realm and supported the new dynasty. Even during the Safavid era, Awliya Chelebi of
the 17th century mentions "Pahlavi, Dari, Farsi and Dehqani" among the languages of
Naxchivan(Sadeqi Ali Ashraf, "The conflict between Persian and Turkish in Arran and Shirvan",
Iranian Journal of Linguistics, Vol. 18, No. 1 (35), pp 1-12, 2003).
Even up to the 20th century, there was a large number of Iranic speakers Tats (Persian), Talysh
and Kurds in Arran and Shirwan, but the Turkic linguistic elements by the 20th were predominant
and many of these Iranic elements were assimilated into the Azeri-Turkic identity, specially
during the USSR era. For example on Tats:
"In the nineteenth century the Tats were settled in large homogeneous groups. The intensive
processes of assimilation by the Turkic- speaking Azerbaijanis cut back the territory and numbers
of the Tats. In 1886 they numbered more than 120,000 in Azerbaijan and 3,600 in Daghestan.
According to the census of 1926 the number of Tats in Azerbaijan (despite the effect of natural
increase) had dropped to 28,500, although there were also 38,300 "Azerbaijanis" with Tat as their
native language."
(World Culture Encyclopedia: "Tats",
http://www.evervculture.com/Russia-Eurasia-China/Tats-Orientation.html accessed Dec, 2007)
(Natalia G. Volkova "Tats"in Encyclopedia of World Culture, Editor: David Publisher, New
York: G.K. Hall, Prentice Hall International, 1991-1996).
Abbas Qoli Agha Bakikhanov, a 19th century literary figure from the Caucasia mentions in his
Golestan Iram large number of Tats in the area around Baku:
There are eight villages in Tabarsaran which are: Jalqan, Rukan, Maqatir, Kamakh, Ridiyan,
Homeydi, Mata'i, and Bilhadi. They are in the environs of a city that Anushiravan built near the
wall of Darband. Its remains are still there. They speak the Tat language, which is one of the
languages of Old Persia. It is clear that they are from the people of Fars and after its destruction
they settled in those villages. ..The districts situated between the two cities of Shamakhi and
Qodyal, which is now the city of Qobbeh, include Howz, Lahej, and Qoshunlu in Shirvan and
Barmak, Sheshpareh and the lower part of Boduq in Qobbeh, and all the country of Baku, except
six villages of Turkmen, speak Tat. it becomes apparent from this that they originate from Fars.
(Floor, Willem. and Javadi, Hasan. i(2009), "The Heavenly Rose -Garden: A History of Shirvan &
Daghestan by Abbas Qoli Aqa Bakikhanov, Mage Publishers, 2009)
Original Persian:
>Sl+os> 9 Objjj 9 ^l&S 9 jJolibo 9 JlSgj 9 OliLbr a£ Olj-mjjjJo ji <^j_>3 C_.Iu£. :o_mjl OJuol j9^Ajo *~-Aj£ 18 O^ti-^ji
j9Jji> ul jbl 9 igj £>i_>S jjJZSj JJuji 3j J ,n i n J^to ji Glgjj-jjjgjl 1$ iS_>£_juj ^sJIgj- ji .Joujb i3a^*JLj 9 i_s\.cl Ion 9
9 i_svj>Ioouj1jj^9Jj CiLjo ji &9I9 o\ILxjO :o_jujI OJuol OJouj ib i-i\j£ 19 Qs*i.r> ji"Uajl .Jjjli oU Obj .0_mjl _p$ls2£>
9 QjS ji 1JJ9AJ o-r!^ 9 6J^ u^-*^ 9 ^L°>J 9 Ol9_j_< «_*j ji 9JJ9JUU1S 9 £ui\l 9 u^>9^> J-iuo .0_mjl QjS j^-ki ^Jb> o£ JbjJ
i3 cUjS 1SI9-JUJ QjS CaSuLooo i_sy.>9 /xjuoS Ujli lj ob dbjtjjjodi ^<^dS\jj iS ^UjS <JjJl->Sj iS\$-ijj 9^b CaSJLooo /3L0J
Qj AJLjJubv^jo gjjuoj-l 9 Oji o£ GIj-jujjjJo JLxjo gi bjS& 9 c^j9jCXjuJ S? '^r^b 9 ijli a-Vja-^-Lr. i_sObj o£ ^gJbd*
.JJuob^svjo J920 lj Obj dJjJ t_sJld)l 9 Jjjli ua<).nmxjs ubj ■qiihinob>\l \n.n\
(Gulistan-i Iram, Baki Khanuf, "Gulistan-i Iram ", matn-i ilmi - intiqadi bi-sayy va ihtimam:
Abd al-Karim Ali-zadah [va digaran],Bakku: Idarah-i intisharat-i Ilm, 1970.)
On the Talysh, according to Hema Kotecha:
According to a 1926 census, there were 77,039 Talysh in Azerbaijan SSR. From 1959 to 1989,
the Talysh were not included as a separate ethnic group in any census, but rather they were
included as part of the Turkic-speaking Azerbaijani 's, although the Talysh speak an Iranian
language. In 1999, the Azerbaijani government claimed there were only 76,800 Talysh in
Azerbaijan, but this is believed to be an under-representation given the problems with
registering as a Talysh. Some claim that the population of the Talysh inhabiting the southern
regions of Azerbaijan is 500, 000.
(Hema Kotecha, Islamic and Ethnic Identities in Azerbaijan: Emerging trends and tensions,
OSCE, Baku, July 2006. http://www.osce.org/documents/ob/2006/08/23087 en.pdf)
We already mentioned Kurds and Minorsky's statement on Kurds in Ganja during Shaddadid
times and even in the south of Ganja during modern times.
Svante Cornell, a writer of modern politics states:/n Azerbaijan, the Azeris presently make up
over 90 per cent; Dagestani peoples form over 3 per cent and Russians 2.5 per cent. 6 These
figures approximate the official position; however, in reality the size of the Dagestani Lezgin
community in Azerbaijan is unknown, officially put at 200,000 but according to Lezgin sources
substantially larger. The Kurdish population is also substantial, according to some sources over
10 per cent of the population; in the south there is a substantial community of the Iranian ethnic
group, of Talysh, possibly some 200,000 -400,000 people.
(Cornell, Svante E. Small Nations and Great Powers: A Study of Ethnopolitical Conflict in the
Caucasus . Richmond, Surrey, , GBR: Curzon Press Limited, 2000.)
It is this author's opinion, if the subsequent USSR assimilationist policies of the last 80-100
years were not upheld in the historical Arran and Shirvan, approximately 20% or more of the
modern population of the Republic of Azerbaijan would be speaking an Iranic language.
However this deserves it own study and the goal of this article is to examine historical facts
without being involved in modern politics.
Iranic languages and people of Azerbaijan
The Turkification of Arran/Ganja had a similar pattern to that of historical Azerbaijan. Although
both places were primarily used in the beginning as a pass to the wider pastures of Anatolia, but
they were also Turkified through a long list of Turkic dynasties as well as the fact that they
provided some pasture grounds for the Turkic nomads entering via Central Asia. Linguistic
Turkification of Azerbaijan was a complex and multistage process.
According to Vladimir Minorsky:
"The original sedentary population of Azarbayjan consisted of a mass of peasants and at the
time of the Arab conquest was compromised under the semi -contemptuous term ofUhij("non-
Arab ")-somewhat similar to the raya(*ri 'aya) of the Ottomon empire. The only arms of this
peaceful rustic population were slings; see Tabari, II, 1379-89. They spoke a number of dialects
(Adhari (Azari), Talishi) of which even now there remains some islets surviving amidst the
Turkish speaking population. It was this basic population on which Babak leaned in his revolt
against the caliphate "
(V. Minorsky, Studies in Caucasian History, Cambridge University Press, 1957, pg 112).
The process of Turkification as mentioned was long and complex and there are still remnants of
Tati and other Iranian languages in Caucasia and NW Iran. It is worthwhile to give an overview
of the linguistic Turkification of Azerbaijan and some of the historical attestations. Also it is
worthwhile to give samples of the ancient language of Azerbaijan. Since Azerbaijan is the
closest region to Caucasia, one may assume that the Turkification of Arran took a similar path.
Although in Arran, both Caucasian and Iranic elements were present, but the Caucasian elements
around Ganja had a Christian culture and the Muslim high culture at the time in and around
Ganja was that of Iranian culture and Muslim Iranian dynasties ruled the area before arrival of
the Seljuqs.
Ebn al-Moqaffa'(d. 142/759) is quoted by Ibn Al-Nadim in his famous Al-Fihrist that the
language of Azerbaijan is Fahlavi and Azerbaijan is part of the region of Fahlah (alongside
Esfahan, Rayy, Hamadan and Maah-Nahavand):
Obejjjilg JJgLgJ 0L09 uljuo^g sSjJIg GLgjL^I *_s^9 CiIjJj cLuuuoJ* ,_sJ£ &ib /xjujI 0-LjS ,_sJI v,9Jja-iuo3 ^LigJLp-Qjl Lois
QsA jjjo I^j-Lg i—JLillg vUJI <>j*o\s* i_yJ| 3j9jjuuuo v^j3>9 dLLoJI vUj O0 /3^*J "-"IS Lgjg ^>J|juoJI GJuo "isls ^bjjJI L0I9
,jjjjls <_Li>l <Xsi i^j3>9 /y&£>{j->li\$ sLolallg 6Ajl9jo.ll Lgj /yJSjiS cUjujjLaJI L0I9 qJj Jjil ^jJJ| g JjjjJuuoJIg oLujl_p> Jjil
CiLls cujLjjuuJI L0I9 cl^jJjLsJI gag 6JJUI9 vjlSjJJI g^slgjog 6gJjsJI i_s\9 ^Ij-niMlg dJgJLoJI pJSsj dlS Lgj3 cbjgisJI L0I9
i_s\jjjjl9 ^sOLjjjuJIj <isd)\ ^jjo £,9J \^S cujLSuoJIg ilgjuuJI Jjil Lgj /xliu
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9 OljU9jO 1$ Cj_JUjl i_i>jo\lS v_S\-JUjjl9 Lol .Cj_JUjl 1_jJLc OLj Ol jj (jjj yOijjO OlsJ 9 JjjJuULO 9 OLujl_p>- Jjil Cj&i 9 jbji
ji ^lj_kjjl 9 dJgJjo Q$ Cj_jujI v_sOljj sSj93» Lol .-J-hjjLi ijjJjLs Jji>l jo^y <->ljj Ol 9 AJU9S jjjauuj CiIaj OLuuyl JJjLo 9 LoJLc
1jj*jjj CiIaj ilg-njj /sijjo o£ Cj_hjjI Ol i_sOL_>jjj Lol .JJJiS gSgOuiS i9J- Ou_niL>- 9 gLojJJ L oJJ 9 i^jJ %Jo\§& 9 Ogl-v
Source:
(1346 iLjj-u o->\ oljLuuuul .iA^cJ Udj i3^/x_>_>j' .«0_hjj_>^9» ijjlauujl ^ Juojxjo ■/aj-)^ o?I
Ibn Nadeem, "Fihrist", Translated by Reza Tajaddod, Ibn Sina publishers, 1967.
A very similar explanation is given by the medieval historian Hamzeh Isfahani when talking
about Sassanid Iran. Hamzeh Isfahani writes in the book Al-Tanbih 'ala Hoduth al-Tashif that
five "tongues"or dialects, were common in Sassanian Iran: Fahlavi, Dari, Farsi (Persian), Khuzi
and Soryani. Hamzeh (893-961 A.D.) explains these dialects in the following way:
Fahlavi was a dialect which kings spoke in their assemblies and it is related to Fahleh. This name
is used to designate five cities of h-an, Esfahan, Rey, Hamadan, Maah Nahavand, and Azerbaijan.
Farsi (Persian) is a dialect which was spoken by the clergy (Zoroastrian) and those who
associated with them and is the language of the cities of Fars. Dari is the dialect of the cities of
Ctesiphon and was spoken in the kings Vdarbariyan/ 'courts'. The root of its name is related to its
use; /darbar/ 'court* is implied in /dar/. The vocabulary of the natives of Balkh was dominant in
this language, which includes the dialects of the eastern peoples. Khuzi is associated with the
cities of Khuzistan where kings and dignitaries used it in private conversation and during leisure
time, in the bath houses for instance.
(Mehdi Marashi, Mohammad Ali Jazayery, Persian Studies in North America: Studies in Honor
of Mohammad Ali Jazayery, Ibex Publishers, Inc, 1994. pg 255)
Ibn Hawqal (d. ca 981) states:
"the language of the people of Azerbaijan and most of the people of Armenia is Iranian (al-
faressya), which binds them together, while Arabic is also used among them; among those who
speak al-faressya (here he seemingly means Persian, spoken by the elite of the urban population),
there are few who do not understand Arabic; and some merchants and landowners are even adept
in it".
(E. Yarshater, "Azeri: Iranian language of Azerbaijan"in Encyclopedia Iranica)
It should be noted that Ibn Hawqal mentions that some areas of Armenia are controlled by
Muslims and others by Christians. So unlike what some scholars state, we believe he means
Caucasus as those were areas controlled by Christian kingdoms at that time.
Reference: Ibn Hawqal, Surat al-Ardh. Translation and comments by: J. Shoar, Amir Kabir
Publishers, Iran. 1981.
Estakhri of 10th century also states in his
"In Aderbeijan, Armenia and Arran they speak Persian and Arabic, except for the area around the
city of Dabil: they speak Armenian around that city, and in the country of Barda people speak
Arranian."
Original Arabic:
3 i<\jjjaj\)\j u^joJSjj L^jJIg^- 3 Jj-O Jjil ul >*£■ <Uj_>aJI 3 Ij-h-ujUJI ul_JI 3 cUJkjjOjl 3 ube^jjil uL-oJ 3
(Estakhari, Abu Eshaq Ebrahim. Masalek va Mamalek. Bonyad Moqufat Dr. Afshar, Tehran,
1371 (1992-1993))
Al-Muqaddasi (d. late 4th/10th cent.) considers Azerbaijan and Arran as part of the 8th division
of lands. He states:
"The languages of the 8th division is Iranian (al-'ajamyya). It is partly Dari and partly
convoluted (monqaleq) and all of them are named Persian"
(Al-Moqaddasi, Shams ad-Din Abu Abdallah Muhammad ibn Ahmad, Ahsan al-Taqasi fi
Ma'rifa al-Aqalim, Translated by Ali Naqi Vaziri, Volume One, First Edition, Mu'alifan and
Mutarjiman Publishers, Iran, 1981, pg 377.)
.l3_>Jj9 v_S\JLkjJLc jJiSi ^jOJ-jJ ./XjJlS\l| QSjSLO i_S^9 /5>J_«JjlsLjl 1>juUL2»I .JuOJ»I jjjJuCX^jO "^JJIAjX^jI tjjjJI^JJJjCXjuJ n^-uJ-VitoJI
.377 uo .1361 .ol_>jl oLoj-jJuo 9 olaJ^ oljLuuuul .J9I v^ <1 -^^
Al-Muqaddasi also writes on the general region of Armenia, Arran and Azerbaijan and states:
"They have big beards, their speech is not attractive. In Arminya they speak Armenian, in al-
Ran, Ranian (Aranian); Their Persian is understandable, and is close to Khurasanian (Dari
Persian) in sound"
(Al-Muqaddasi, 'The Best Divisions for Knowledge of the Regions', a translation of his Ahsan
al-Taqasim fi Ma 'rifat al-Aqalim by B.A. Collins, Centre for Muslim Contribution to
Civilization, Garnet Publishing Limited, 1994. pg 334).
Thus from Muqaddasi we can see that a regional Persian language was spoken in the area and
cross referencing with Estakhri, we can conjecture that this was the main language of the muslim
population, specially in the urban areas.
According to C. E. Bosworth:
"North of the Aras, the distinct, presumably Iranian, speech of Arran long survived, called by
Ebn Hawqal al-Raniya"
(Azerbaijan: Islamic History to 1941, Encyclopedia Iranica).
Although we do not have any manuscripts of al-Raniya to really judge the nature of this dialect
(weather it was a dialect of Parthian or Iranian languages, or was it a Caucasian language or non-
standard dialect of Armenian?), nearby the Kur river, in the town of Barda'in Arran:
"The fertile rural environs produced much fruit (with a particularly noted variety of figs), nuts,
and also the ay estuff madder (rilnds), which was exported as far as India. In the Kor and other
nearby rivers, the sturgeon (sormahi from Persian surmahi, salt fish) and other tasty fish were
caught; and there was extensive production of textiles, including silks (see Ebn Hawqal, pp. 337-
39, 347, 349, tr. Kramers, II, pp. 330-32, 340, 342; Maqdesi, [Moqaddasi], p. 375; Hodiidal-
Aalam, tr. Minorsky, pp. 143-44, sees. 36.21, 36.30; R. B. Serjeant, Islamic Textiles. Material for
a History up to the Mongol Conquest, Beirut, 1972, p. 69 f
(Barda, Encyclopedia Iranica, Bosworth).
The word sormahi which Prof. Bosworth derives from Shurmahi in Persian could actually be red
fish (sor/suhr being the Pahlavi for red which in modern Persian is Surkh). Al-Muqaddasi
translates the "Monday"to Yam al-Ithnayn which in Persian and Iranian dialects is Doshanbeh
(the second day). An important point to mention is that Ganja like many other pre-Seljuq
topynoms has an Iranian name, which naturally reflects the fact that it was founded by Iranian
settlers (C.E. Bosworth, "Ganja", Encyclopedia Iranica). One should also mention the native
Iranian (Parthian/Persian) dynasty which ruled over the area of Arran up to at least the 8th
century.
Al-Mas'udi the Arab Historian States:
"The Persians are a people whose borders are the Mahat Mountains and Azarbaijan up to
Armenia and Arran, and Bayleqan and Darband, and Ray and Tabaristan and Masqat and
Shabaran and Jorjan and Abarshahr, and that is Nishabur, and Herat and Marv and other places
in land of Khorasan, and Sejistan and Kerman and Fars and Ahvaz...All these lands were once
one kingdom with one sovereign and one language... although the language differed slightly. The
language, however, is one, in that its letters are written the same way and used the same way in
composition. There are, then, different languages such as Pahlavi, Dari, Azari, as well as other
Persian languages."
Source:
Al Mas'udi, Kitab al-Tanbih wa-1-Ishraf, De Goeje, MJ. (ed.), Leiden, Brill, 1894, pp. 77-8.
Thus Masu'di testifies to the Iranian presence in the Caucuses and Azerbaijan during the 10th
century and even names a local Iranian dialect called Azari.
Original Arabic from www.alwaraq.net:
9 JJjji ,_sJI CilfiJLJI 9 Oljl 9 cuijjOjl i\L ^sJj Lo i_sJI Obejjjil 9 l&x-C 9 0L&I0JI l>o JLaJI Ld)i\L ls> Qjs\ <jjjJAi\S
_>+C 9 9_>jo 9 6\j£> 9 .j9jLuuliJ i_s^> 9 ij-P-juj^jI 9 Ols>jS> 9 CiI_>jLuuJI 9 ho mnJI 9 jjjjjjjjjo 9 i-SjJI 9 <_>lgAllg vUJI 9-^>
<JS 9 CAS9JI \l£> v_s\9 /ss>lc\i\ ijOj\ o^ ^JJ-ij iJ-^jI Lo 9 .jl9^\ll 9 i_yjj\s 9 oLojS 9 gLljuulx-juj 9 oLujIj3- i\L ijj> dJJi
9 oUiUI ljjO j^j^u. si-y-"-^ S^ ujijLij I9JIS /xpjl \l| .A^-lg LpjLuuJ 9 A^-lg dllo LjSuLo OA^-lg "^SJjOuO OjlS i\LJI 6Aj3>
dJJi Asj OJilii»l ul 9 .A^-lg i-O-JU l$3$js> i-fi-JU 9 OA^-lg i-jJiSLi v_s^-*JI [#3$jS> Ogii Ob OA^-lg O9SL) Lojl c^zLII ul dJJi
.^jjjj^JI olaJ l>o Ld)_>ji 9 cbjiMI 9 ^Jj-jJI 9 cbglgjJlS j3-\)l sLjujMI jjLa-u vj^9
Ahmad ibn Yaqubi mentions that the
People of Azerbaijan are a mixture of ' Ajam-i Azari (Ajam is a term that developed to mean
Iranian) of Azaris and old Javedanis (followers of Javidan the son of Shahrak who was the leader
of Khurramites and succeeded by Babak Khorramdin).
Source:
Yaqubi, Ahmad ibn Abi, Tarikh-i Yaqubi tarjamah-i Muhammad Ibrahim Ayati, Intisharat
Bungah-i Tarjomah o Nashr-i Kitab, 1969.
"Zakarrya b. Mohammad Qazvini's report in Athar al-Bilad, composed in 674/1275, that "no
town has escaped being taken over by the Turks except Tabriz" (Beirut ed., 1960, p. 339) one
may infer that at least Tabriz had remained aloof from the influence of Turkish until the time".
("Azari: The Iranian Language of Azerbaijan"in Encyclopedia Iranica by E. Yarshater
http://www.iranica.com/newsite/articles/v3f3/v3f2a88b.html1)
"From the time of the Mongol invasion, most of whose armies were composed of Turkic tribes,
the influence of Turkish increased in the region. On the other hand, the old Iranian dialects
remained prevalent in major cities. Hamdallah Mostowafi writing in the 1340s calls the
language ofMaraqa as "modified Pahlavi" (Pahlavi-ye Mughayyar). Mostowafi calls the
language ofZanjan (Pahlavi-ye Raast). The language ofGushtaspi covering the Caspian border
region between Gilan to Shirvan is called a Pahlavi language close to the language ofGilan".
Source:
("Azari: The Iranian Language of Azerbaijan"in Encyclopedia Iranica by E. Yarshater
http://www.iranica.com/newsite/articles/v3f3/v3f2a88b.html1)
Ahmad ibn Yaqubi mentions that the
People of Azerbaijan are a mixture of 'Ajam-i Azari (Ajam is a term that developed to mean
Iranian) of Azaris and old Javedanis (followers of Javidan the son of Shahrak who was the leader
of Khurramites and succeeded by Babak Khorramdin).
(Yaqubi, Ahmad ibn Abi, Tarikh-i Yaqubi tarjamah-i Muhammad Ibrahim Ayati, Intisharat
Bungah-i Tarjomah o Nashr-i Kitab, 1969.)
Probably the best proof of Iranian language, culture and heritage of the Muslims of that time are
the books of Safinaye Tabriz and Nozhat al-Majales. Both of these will be discussed later and
provide a complete mirror of the culture and language of the area.
Language of Tabriz as a special case
The language of Tabriz, being an Iranian language, was not the standard Khurasani Dari. Qatran
Tabrizi has an interesting verse mentioning this in a couple:
J5 j\j9 J-Xjj y>ln.o uLuj oj JjJL
Translation:
The nightingale is on top of the flower like a minstrel who has lost it heart
It bemoans sometimes in Parsi (Persian) and sometimes in Dari (Khurasani Persian)
Source:
- y^s^uuL-uj cjLc\UoI :«ubejLji>l ^j$S oLj iSOjUji k_sO'liii>\Lo» hjjjoIjuo^%jo n_svjy> k_so>-Lj
181-182 sSOjlex^ .<-5bLaii/
(Riyahi Khoi, Mohammad Amin. "Molehezati darbaareyeh Zabaan-i Kohan Azerbaijan"(Some
comments on the ancient language of Azerbaijan), 'Itilia'at Siyasi Magazine, volume 181-182)
Also available at:
http://www.azareoshnasp.net/languaees/Azari/26.pdf
There are extant words, phrases and sentences attested in the old Iranic dialect of Tabriz in a
variety of books and manuscripts. Here are some examples:
Hamdullah Mostowafi mentions a sentence in the language of Tabriz:
ji iji <ls> v_SvJ (_SvS9i> j^SjI -Xjj^S iJuju Ij-Ajju (JjliLJ u \j i_sJ^juul> <^_ij>Lo jS\ OjjLj ! (_jv9$Ji-juuuo
Translation:
"The Tabrizians if they see a fortunate man in an uncouth clothes say: He is like a fresh grape in
a ripped fruit basket."
Source:
1336 iiSj^Jo oIjLuuujI n_svSL_»jj_>jji Juoj%jo (Jjuuuug^ Oj I«iw>^JLaJI'i£i_p» :«UJ|juoj>- n^sS^i-uxa
Mostowafi, Hamdallah. Nozhat al-Qolub. Edit by Muhammad Dabir Sayyaqi. Tahuri Publishing,
1957.
A mulama 'poem (meaning 'colourful', which is popular in Persian poetry where some verses are
in one language and others in another language) from Homam Tabrizi where some verses are in
Khorasani (Dari) Persian and others are in the dialect of Tabriz:
O-julO jl pJSj CjuljuUUO p^iuJS> /> jjjj
O-jujuo >_sOu I13S v_sJi jil 3 />\s$
CjljulO jl ,/Ojlp (Jjjy> >_SouUU ,Ol& O_>0jO °0
OjL-C (Jjjy> iSl >_svjJJj S-M °o
CjljuoS v_yj 3 O-iuJO lTSj_)3_^gjO j-uJ sS_p
-XjI>j ub> jl />Ioj5> jS oI^juulC Oj
Cjljujj^ O_)j0j ulgj ulS (Jjjj'I3jo
>_sJj9j ,/Oouuu sS_>j I 3 L> fiy>
/>Ulq>Ij' /)U <^i> Cju^j 3j
Source:
1377 ij3j _>^9 oIjLuuujI i"ubEjUji>l oUj 3 jLj cjjjb'" :Loj/>\l_c ij^vJL^ajl
Gholam Reza Ensafpur, "Tarikh o Tabar Zaban-i Azarbaijan"(The history and roots of the
language of Azarbaijan), Fekr-I Rooz Publishers, 1998 (1377).
Another ghazal from Homam Tabrizi where all the couplets except the last couplet is in Persian,
the last couplet reads:
«uljLs>3 Qjo iiL> Js ojz uljU 1^3! // v_sy {Jjj$>- j\>. pj.^ 3 "Js 3 jl^S*
Transliteration:
Wahar o wol o Dim yaar khwash Bi
Awi Yaaraan, mah wul Bi, Mah Wahaaraan
Translation:
The Spring and Flowers and the face of the friend are all pleas eant
But without the friend, there are no flowers or any spring.
Source:
1333 <x>jj "^oLstiLjil oLljujU oUj jl ci<e^J 3^ n_sJj>£> 3 v_sob»: v_sdsdl-x+£ t<Sjj\S
Karang, Abdul Ali. "Tati, Harzani, two dialects from the ancient language of Azerbaijan ",
Tabriz, 1333. 1952.
Another recent discovery by the name of Safina-yi Tabriz has given sentences from native of
Tabriz in their peculiar Iranic dialect. A sample expression of from the mystic Baba Faraj Tabrizi
in the Safina:
Standard Persian (translated by the author of Safina himself):
<C>3-L> jj <*j CjljujI Oili9l /5JJJ _>j <^J si p>->!ii2r JjIo^jsI />JLc ji lj 2^9 i^SuIjJl?:
Modern English:
They brought Faraj in this world in such a way that his eye is neither towards pre-eternity nor
upon createdness.
Source:
.1384 ijLuo9l >i5i ol999£x> iLjL) lubejUjSl tX-fc^ ^^j tiS$jJgjjjQ jJjzqjjo
Mortazavi, Manuchehr. Zaban-e-Dirin Azerbaijan (On the Old language of Azerbaijan). Bonyad
Moqufaat Dr. Afshar. 2005(1384).
Indeed the Safina is a bible of the culture of Tabriz which was compiled in the Il-khanid era. It is
a clear testament and proof that no trace of Turkic culture, folklore and language was present in
Tabriz during the Ilkhanid era.
A sample poem in which the author of the Safina writes "Zaban Tabrizi"(Language of Tabriz):
■^J^ UJJ JJ^ J?- UJJ J^* sj' J6^ i-5 JJ
o jj )JS (j aAl ( " la j aa. ,. ulLa 1 9 "3J3
is2 J* JJJ JJJJ ^ J*Ji* 4^1 C-t ^
Sadeqi, Ali Ashraf. "Chand She'r beh Zaban-e Karaji, Tabrizi wa Ghayreh"(Some poems in the
language of Karaji and Tabrizi and others), Majalla-ye Zabanshenasi, 9, 1379./2000, pp. 14-17.
http://www.azareoshnasp.net/laneuaees/Azari/zabankarajitabrizi.pdf
A sentence in the dialect of Tabriz (the author calls Zaban-I Tabriz (dialect/language of Tabriz)
recorded and also translated by Ibn Bazzaz Ardabili in the Safvat al-Safa:
jiu.i>- $$ \Sjjj+i olijj (JjjL) >JoL> CjlbS 3 C*S_p jhS _p \j £u-uJ j\$ ^LljuoS Juol ji g^r oLuuulc»
ij Qt-idJ OjLjO V .O.'O _>J O-julO (JJiLflS (Jjl ji .CjljujI 6_Xj_*jJj Cj-aj_p> gSj >_9_>*CU (JJSUuJ (^s^-m ^J'lj
The sentence "Gu Harif(a/e)r Zhaatah"is mentioned in Tabrizi dialect.
Source:
Rezazadeh, Rahim Malak. "The Azari Dialect"(Guyesh-I Azari), Anjuman Farhang Iran Bastan
publishers, 1352(1973).
A sentence in the dialect of Tabriz by Pir Hassan Zehtab Tabrizi addressing the Qara-Qoyunlu
ruler Eskandar:
I(_joLjua5 jo^J !jJuLSuujI» '.$L$j$9\j9 jJJlSLjujI °j yUn^ «>_S_>j_>jj v^J^j 0-JuUL> >W* j' °iJjoj> dL
(31 (^ '(JV.S^- uS^Lij) (-lLJt*J^ U OJjj_>9 Ij3- 1(_sOLjua^ I j >>Jj j_>9 !_j-Ul5>_>.oI =) «!iLuoS 0^3j
"Eskandar! Roodam Koshti, Roodat Koshaad"
(Eskandar! You killed my son, may your son perish")
Source:
- irs^ujL_uj C^Lc\ihl :«ubejUji>l {j$S uLj ^S&jUji v_sJlbo\Lo» i,jjjoIjuoj%jo n_so9J* v_so-L)j
181-182 iSOjLxx^ nS±Ua9l
Riyahi, Mohammad Amin. "Molahezati darbaareyeh Zabaan-I Kohan Azerbaijan"(Some
comments on the ancient language of Azerbaijan), 'Itilia'at Siyasi Magazine, volume 181-182.
Also Available at:
http://www.azargoshnasp.net/languages/Azari/26.pdf
The word Rood for son is still used in some Iranian dialects, specially the Larestani dialect and
other dialects around Fars.
Four quatrains titled Fahlaviyat from Khwaja Muhammad Kojjani (d. 677/1278-79); born in
Kojjan or Korjan, a village near Tabriz, recorded by Abd-al-Qader Maraghi
(Fahlaviyat in Encyclopedia Iranica by Dr. Ahmad Taffazoli,
http://www.iranica.com/newsite/articles/v9f2/v9f232.html)
(Dr. A. A. Sadeqi, "Ash'ar-e mahalli-e Jame'al-Alhaann,"Majalla-ye zaban-shenasi 9,
1371./1992, pp. 54-64/
http://www.azargoshnasp.net/languages/Azari/AshrafSadeqiashamiahalimaraqi.pdf
A sample of one of the four quatrains from Khwaja Muhammad Kojjani
(_SOljuUJ%J (_JoljuUI> Jul£J <-S>p °IjO^
&>J3 <sy£ Cjljuj^ <*S> y> gl Lij
Two qet'as (poems) quoted by Abd-al-Qader Maraghi in the dialect of Tabriz (d. 838 A.H./1434-
35 C.E.; II, p. 142)
(Fahlaviyat in Encyclopedia Iranica by Ahmad Taffazoli,
http://www.iranica.com/newsite/articles/v9f2/v9f232.html)
(A. A. Sadeqi, "Ash'ar-e mahalli-e Jame'al-Alhaann,"Majalla-ye zaban-shenasi 9, 1371./1992,
pp. 54-64.
http://www.azargoshnasp.net/languages/Azari/AshrafSadeqiashamiahalimaraqi.pdf)
u\J§jej >_S^ J0j9j
Si ,- ,- s
Oijljs o^V 9^ 9J
(JjUUoljj /XJJ_ajJ _L> >_S3
A ghazal and fourteen quatrains under the title of Fahlaviyat by the poet Maghrebi Tabrizi (d.
809/1406-7)
(Fahlaviyat in Encyclopedia Iranica by Dr. Ahmad Taffazoli,
http://www.iranica.com/newsite/articles/v9f2/v9f232.html)
(M.-A. Adib Tusi "Fahlavyat-e Magrebi Tabrizi,"NDA Tabriz 8, 1335/1956
http://www.azargoshnasp.net/languages/Azari/fahlaviyaatmaghrebitabrizi.pdf)
A text probably by Mama Esmat Tabrizi, a mystical woman-poet of Tabriz (d. 9th/15th cent.),
which occurs in a manuscript, preserved in Turkey, concerning the shrines of saints in Tabriz.
Adib Tusi, "Fahlawiyat-e- Mama Esmat wa Kashfi be-zaban Azari estelaah-e raayi yaa shahri",
NDA, Tabriz 8/3, 1335/1957, pp 242-57.
http://www.azareoshnasp.net/laneuaees/Azari/fahlaviyaatmamaesmat.pdf
An interesting phrase "Buri Buri"(which in Persian means "Biya Biya"or in English "Come!
Come!") is mentioned by Rumi from the mouth of Shams Tabrizi in this poem:
(-Sj^JLJuji Qj y> pj\jj ji a-?ijj g^r^j uS^S*
*Sj$J l>X> JjiojJU tSjJjjJ (JJjJI (JjUUCXjuJ °S
The word "Buri"is mentioned by Hussain Tabrizi Karbalai with regards to the Shaykh Khwajah
Abdul-Rahim Azh-Abaadi:
: 1 15 \jO iCjljuULSJ yS^> iOUlsJI oLo3j ji
JjI iSjj^jj iSs.-.CjljujI Ott^0 3 u^isuuuuo v^>JUIJ j^-'-sS^bljl /xjJ^^JIjj-C c*s>\$^-...j\jjo 3 A9_>jO»
tjj-i^? 3! jl 3...v_sJ^I vj^ v-sJIg^- .P X>+J .P CjljujI v_sJl«^o ^>9^ °^ (iblj'l)ibb>l ^>9^ S/ vS^JJ-^
3 JjI Oi§jOj v_soO irSJ9Sijuuuo fy->!ix>y\ v_s>^JJi9b OsJu^ ^ JjIsI ji ^^Ig^- Q->Ja,> ^5 0ili9l ^LoJljujI
\j 1^3 Jjjjo bb 0_>Jcl> sSj3j iCU-ajjI^ uLuuysji ^ ^^^3-1 jb_*juu 3 OigjJ v_s03>i 3 (_s0laS2xx> jl v_sJb>
jl JJ />\15 v_SJlS2J cOb> jl lj 9J' 3 CjljujI jljb jl Clb \j ulpji <*S> ibj bj v_SviS2J vSj^J SSj^l /XjJ^jJI-L^C
«.J_»jjb s^Yj ololgJI
-1965 1349-1344 <>-.b^ >JkiJ 3 qjss>jj olljj ^oL^dl obbsj» <<-Sjj.hJ us^bp' o-h^> Jasb*
.1970
Karbalai Tabrizi, Hussein. "Rawdat al-Jinan va Jannat al-Janan", Bungah-I Tarjumah o Nashr-i
Kitab, 1344-49 (1965-1970), 2 volumes.
This word is also mentioned in the Fahlaviyat of Baba Taher. In the Harzandi Iranic dialect of
Harzand in Azerbaijan as well as the Iranic Karingani dialect of Azerbaijan, both recorded in the
20th century, the two words "Birf'and "Burah"means to "come" and are of the same root.
Source:
tyJ^B-uJ i-S-^ljbsybsrijjjjj i«ubejbji>l ub_*jjb ubj jl cl<£^J 3^ n_sOj^ 3 v_sO'b'»: (_sJbdljuLC t<Sjj\S
1333
Karang, Abdul Ali. "Tati o Harzani, Do lahjeh az zabaan-i baastaan-i Azerbaijan ", Shafaq
publishers, 1333(1955) (pg 91 and pg 112)
Maragheh
Hamdollah Mostowfi of the 13th century A.D. mentions the language of Maragheh:
«CjljujI >>^x> iSglpj uLuuuuj>>!JLjuuy9J>_svjO "^I^jO />^y>
Interestingly enough, the 17th century A.D. Ottoman Turkish traveler Evliya Chelebi, who
visited Safavid Iran, writes: "The majority of the women in Maragheh speak in Pahlavi".
Source:
- i_s^-KxjL->ju C^Lc\ihl :«ubejUji>l {j$S uLj ^SOjUji v_sO'lbc>-\Lo» hjjjoIjuo^*jo n_so9J>- v_so-L)j
181-182 sSOjlxxli ,lS^Loj3I
Riyahi, Mohammad Amin. "Molahezaati darbaareyeh Zabaan-I Kohan Azerbaijan"(Some
comments on the ancient language of Azerbaijan), 'Itilia'at Siyasi Magazine, volume 181-182.
Also available at:
http://www.azargoshnasp.net/languages/Azari/26.pdf
Maragheh was the Ilkhanid capital and yet the language is called Fahlavi. Similarly Tabriz was
an an important city of the Ilkhanids yet we have references to "Zaban-i Tabrizi" in the
Safinayeh Tabriz, in the collected songs of AbdulQadir Maraghi and in the Safwat as-Safa. Thus
making it explicitly clear that Tabriz was far from being linguistically Turckizied even in the
Ilkhanid era.
Another look at the linguistic Turkification of Azerbaijan, Arran and
Sherwan
There have been two theories with regards to the Turkicization of the Eastern Southern Caucasus
(Arran/Sherwan now basically the same as territory of modern republic of Azerbaijan) and
Azerbaijan proper (compromising North Western Iran). A third theory which does not concern
us (see also the appendix) is inn the actual republic of Azerbaijan were ethno-genesis is a highly
political and ideological issue. This theory dates the Turkicization back to the Khazar era or
even claiming the Caucasian Albanians and Medes had Turkic components. 60+ years of USSR
control had combined history and politics to such a degree that it will take time for the local
historians to sort out the truth. However we have tried to examine this issue using Western
sources. In Western academic circles, there seems to be two theories but the more specialized
sources (that is author's who are experts in the medieval history of the area) seem to indicate the
theory mentioned by these scholars.
According to Xavier Planhol, a well known scholar of historical geography (a branch that studies
both history and geography and their interaction) and specialist on cultural history of Islam as
well nomadicization of Iran, Central Asia and Turkey:
"This unique aspect of Azerbaijan, the only area to have been almost entirely "Turkicized"
within Iranian territory, is the result of a complex, progressive cultural and historical process, in
which factors accumulated successively (Sumer; Planhol, 1995, pp. 510 — 12) The process
merits deeper analysis of the extent to which it illustrates the great resilience of the land of Iran.
The first phase was the amassing of nomads, initially at the time of the Turkish invasions,
following the route of penetration along the piedmont south of the Alborz, facing the Byzantine
borders, then those of the Greek empire of Trebizond and Christian Georgia. The Mongol
invasion in the 13th century led to an extensive renewal of tribal stock, and the Turkic groups of
the region during this period had not yet become stable. In the 15th century, the assimilation of
the indigenous Iranian population was far from being completed. The decisive episode, at the
beginning of the 16th century, was the adoption of Shi ' ite Islam as the religion of the state by
the Iran of the Safavids, whereas the Ottoman empire remained faithful to Sunnite orthodoxy.
Shi ' ite propaganda spread among the nomadic Turkoman tribes of Anatolia, far from urban
centers of orthodoxy. These Shi ' ite nomads returned en masse along their migratory route back
to Safavid Iran. This movement was to extend up to southwest Anatolia, from where the Tekelu,
originally from the Lycian peninsula, returned to Iran with 15,000 camels. These nomads
returning from Ottoman territory naturally settled en masse in regions near the border, and it was
from this period that the definitive "Turkicization" of Azerbaijan dates, along with the
establishment of the present-day Azeri-Persian linguistic border-not far from Qazvin, only some
150 kilometers from Tehran, (in the 15 st century assimilation was still far from complete, has
been the adoption of a decisive Shiism in the 16 st Century)"
http://www.iranica.com/newsite/articles/unicode/vl3f2/vl3f2024i.html
Professor Ehsan Yarshater who has also studed
"The gradual weakening of AdarT began with the penetration of the Persian Azerbaijan by
speakers of Turkish. The first of these entered the region in the time of Mahmud of Gazna (Ebn
al-Atlr [repr.], IX, pp. 383ff.). But it was in the Saljuq period that Turkish tribes began to migrate
to Azerbaijan in considerable numbers and settle there (A. KasravT, SahrTaran-e gomnam,
Tehran, 1335 S./1956, III, pp. 43ff., And idem, AdarT , pp. 18-25). The Turkic population
continued to grow under the Ildegozid atabegs of Azerbaijan (531-622/1 136-1225), but more
particularly under the Mongol il-khans (654-750/1256-1349), the majority of whose soldiery was
of Turkic stock and who made Azerbaijan their political center. The almost continuous warfare
and turbulence which reigned in Azerbaijan for about 150 years, between the collapse of the II-
khanids and the rise of the Safavids, attracted yet more Turkic military elements to the area. In
this period, under the Qara Qoyunlu and Aq Qoyunlu Turkmen (780-874/1378-1469 and 874-
908/1469-1502 respectively), AdarT lost ground at a faster pace than before, so that even the
Safavids, originally an Iranian -speaking clan (as evidenced by the quatrains of Shaikh SafT-al-
dln, their eponymous ancestor, and by his biography), became Turkified and adopted Turkish as
their vernacular. Safavid rule (905-1 135/1499-1722), which was initially based on the support of
Turkish tribes and the continued backing and influence of the Qezelbas even after the regime had
achieved a broader base, helped further the spread of Turkish at the detriment of AdarT, which
receded and ceased to be used, at least in the major urban centers, and Turkish was gradually
recognized as the language of Azerbaijan. Consequently the term AdarT, or more commonly
Azeri, came to be applied by some Turkish authors and, following them, some Western
orientalists, to the Turkish of Azerbaijan (a large migration of Turks in 12 century, then age 13,
Adar loses position in 16 th century during the Safavid)"
http://wwwiranicaxom/newsite/index.isc?Article=http://www.iranica.com/newsite/articles/v3f3/
v3f2a88b.html
John Perry:
"We should distinguish two complementary ways in which the advent of the Turks affected the
language map of Iran. First, since the Turkish-speaking rulers of most Iranian polities from the
Ghaznavids and Seljuks onward were already iranized and patronized Persian literature in their
domains, the expansion of Turk-ruled empires served to expand the territorial domain of written
Persian into the conquered areas, notably Anatolia and Central and South Asia. Secondly, the
influx of massive Turkish-speaking populations (culminating with the rank and file of the
Mongol armies) and their settlement in large areas of Iran (particularly in Azerbaijan and the
northwest), progressively turkicized local speakers of Persian, Kurdish and other Iranian
languages. Although it is mainly the results of this latter process which will be illustrated here, it
should be remembered that these developments were contemporaneous and complementary.
2. General Effects of the Safavid Accession
Both these processes peaked with the accession of the Safavid Shah Esma'il in 1501 CE He and
his successors were Turkish-speakers, probably descended from turkicized Iranian inhabitants of
the northwest marches. While they accepted and promoted written Persian as the established
language of bureaucracy and literature, the fact that they and their tribal supporters habitually
spoke Turkish in court and camp lent this vernacular an unprecedented prestige. "(John Perry.
"THE HISTORICAL ROLE OF TURKISH IN RELATION TO PERSIAN OF IRAN " in G.
Astarian (editor) Iran and the Caucasus, Vol. 5, (2001))
So it is ironic that the Safavids, themselves of Iranian fatherline but progressively Turkicized had
the decisive role in the Turkcization of Azerbaijan.
In a detailed (as possible) examinaning the Turkicization of Arran, Sherwan and Azerbaijan we
must look at primary sources as well secondary sources. It appears there were four stages to this
process.
First, the Seljuqs who brought with them influx of Oghuz tribes and settled them in grazing
lands. However, these had little effect on the urban centers. The best proof of this is the Nozhat
al-Majales, Safinayeh Tabrizi and the description provided by Hamdullah Mutsawafi on major
cities such as Tabriz, Abhar, Maragheh and etc. However the rulers themselves were Persianized
and uphelpd Persian culture. Also one cannot expect the nomadic Oghuz tribes to settle down in
urban centers after many generations of nomadic lifestyle. Rather the first step from nomadism
to semi-nomadism is to establish villages and then from semi-nomadism to rural villages takes
many other generations and finally from rural villages to urban centers takes some time itself.
Thus in terms of urban centers, as witnessed by Nozhat al-Majales and Safinaye Tabrizi, we can
say these nomads had no effects. Note in this period we consider not only Seljuqs, but the whole
area of Arran, Sherwan and Azerbaijan up to the Mongol era
Second, the Mongol invasion and subsequent Ilkhanid dynasty brought a large influx of Turks
into Caucasus, Iran and Anatolia. However, as noted, the two major cities of the Ilkhanids that
is Tabriz and Maragheh held their Iranian culture. The Safinaye Tabrizi explicitly states "Zaban-
i Tabrizi" and this Zaban-i Tabrizi is an Iranic dialect as studied by Dr. Ali Ashraf Sadeqi. Here
are samples of these dialects again for the readers:
A sample poem in which the author of the Safina writes "Zaban Tabrizi"(Language of Tabriz):
6jJ , >^ ^ ilia (J QJ 9 CllJ aSLkJ OJ AS J (JJ ,9^.
•^JJA UJJ JJi J?- UJ^1 J^° "J I J^ <-5JJ
lAj* JJJ JJJJ ^ cA»P A^1 C-t ^
Sadeqi, Ali Ashraf. "Chand She'r beh Zaban-e Karaji, Tabrizi wa Ghayreh"(Some poems in the
language of Karaji and Tabrizi and others), Majalla-ye Zabanshenasi, 9, 1379./2000, pp. 14-17.
http://www.azargoshnasp.net/languages/Azari/zabankarajitabrizi.pdf
We should also mention that an unfortunate error occurred in a recent overview of the book:
AA. Seyed-Gohrab & S. McGlinn, The Treasury of Tabriz The Great Il-Khanid Compendium,
Iranian Studies Series, Rozenberg Publishers, 2007.
And it is understandable that the authors were not linguists.
Here are the exchanges:
From: Ali Doostzadeh
To: Seyed, Gohrab A.A.
Subject: Correction on your book
Dear. Dr. Ghoraab,
I have the book you edited Safina Tabrizi and also your book on Nizami Ganjavi: Love, Madness
and Mystic longing. Both are excellent books.
I just wanted to make a correction on your article on Safina. Pages 678-679 of the Safina are not
about a Turkish dialect (Tabrizi and Gurji)(page 18 of your book), but they are both Iranian
dialects that predate the Turkification of Tabriz. For more information, please check these two
articles by Dr. Ashraf Saadeghi
http://www.azargoshnasp.net/languages/Azari/zabankarajitabrizi.pdf
http://www.azargoshnasp.net/languages/Azari/AshrafSadeqiasharmahalimaraqi.pdf
There are Karaji and Tabrizi languages. Both are studied in detail by Dr. Sadeghi
Tashakkor,
Ali Doostzadeh, Ph.D.
Here was the response with this regard.
From: "Seyed, Gohrab A.A.
To: Ali Doostzadeh
Dear Dr. Doostzadeh
I would like to thank you very much for your kind email and your friendly words about my
books. I deeply appreciate your constructive critical note and will surely correct this in a second
edition of the book.
With kind regards and best wishes,
Asghar Seyed-Ghorab
Dr. A.A. Seyed-Gohrab
Chairman of the Department of Persian Studies
Fellow of the Young Academy of the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences
(KNAW)
Leiden University
Faculty of Arts
A sentence in the dialect of Tabriz (the author calls Zaban-i Tabriz (dialect/language of Tabriz)
recorded and also translated by Ibn Bazzaz Ardabili in the Safvat al-Safa:
jiu.j> $$ \Sjjj+i olijj (JjjL) >JoL> OJi) s CjSjS jhS ji \j £u-uJ j\$ ^LljuoS Juol ji y> oLuuuJLc»
ij £u-iuj OjLjO uLiiS y 0_juj.i (JjlqS (JjI _p .Cj_ujI 6Jj_juJj CjLaj_p* ^Sj >_9_>*£u (jjisuuj t_$dsij Qj\j
The sentence "Gu Harif(a/e)r Zhaatah"is mentioned in Tabrizi dialect. Zhaateh ^j is
etymologically equivalent to modern Kurdish Haateh <&/>> which means "come".
In terms of Arran and Sherwan, Sherwan was under the Sherwanshahs and the inhabitants were
primarily Tat. However, the plains of Arran had large number of nomadic Turkic and Kurdish
tribes. The major urban centers however based on the Nozhat al-Majales were Persian/Iranic
speaking. In Maragheh, the capital of the Ilkhanids, the language was Fahlavi as mentioned by
Hamdollah Mustafawi. Thus we have direct and primary references with regards to Maragheh
and Tabriz. And the Nozhat al-Majales covers a portion of the Mongol era.
Third was the Turkmen era (Aq-Qoyunlu and Qara-Qoyunlu) going from 1378-1501/1502. It
seems that Turkic languages progressed during this era. However, we have examples of
Fahlaviyyat from Mama 'Esmat Tabrizi, Pir Zehtab Tabrizi and Abdul Qadir Maraghi. The most
interesting is Abdul Qadir Maraghi who records again in the dialect of Tabriz:
Two qet'as (poems) quoted by Abd-al-Qader Maraghi in the dialect of Tabriz (d. 838 A.H./1434-
35 C.E.; II, p. 142)
(Fahlaviyat in Encyclopedia Iranica by Ahmad Taffazoli,
http://www.iranica.com/newsite/articles/v9f2/v9f232.html)
(A. A. Sadeqi, "Ash'ar-e mahalli-e Jame'al-Alhaann,"Majalla-ye zaban-shenasi 9, 1371./1992,
pp. 54-64.
http://www.azareoshnasp.net/laneuaees/Azari/AshrafSadeqiasharmahalimaraqi.pdf)
(JjuuoIjj /xjJ_ajj _L> <_Sg
9 9 ^
A ghazal and fourteen quatrains under the title of Fahlaviyat by the poet Maghrebi Tabrizi (d.
809/1406-7)
(Fahlaviyat in Encyclopedia Iranica by Dr. Ahmad Taffazoli,
http://www.iranica.com/newsite/articles/v9f2/v9f232.html)
(M.-A. Adib Tusi "Fahlavyat-e Magrebi Tabrizi,"NDA Tabriz 8, 1335/1956
http://www.azargoshnasp.net/languages/Azari/fahlaviyaatmaghrebitabrizi.pdf)
In this era, the author does not have much information on Arran proper (primary sources).
Vladimir Minorsky writes (V. Minorsky, Studies in Caucasian History, Cambridge University
Press, 1957. pg 34):
"The author of the collection of documents relating to Arran Mas'ud b. Namdar (c. 1 100) claims
Kurdish nationality. The mother of the poet Nizami of Ganja was Kurdish (see autobiographical
digression in the introduction of Layli wa Majnun). In the 16th century there was a group of 24
septs of Kurds in Qarabagh, see Sharaf-nama, I, 323. Even now the Kurds of the USSR are
chiefly grouped south of Ganja. Many place-names composed with Kurd are found on both
banks oftheKur"
We should also mention the many Iranic words collects in a medical dictionary by a person from
Shirwan. The book Dastur al-Adwiyah written around 1400 A.D. also lists some of these native
words for plants in Shirwan, Beylakan, Arran: Shang, Babuneh, Bahmanak, Shirgir,
KurKhwarah, Handal, Harzeh, Kabudlah (Beylakani word , standard Persian: Kabudrang),
Moshkzad, Kharime, Bistam, Kalal.
(Sadeqi, Ali Ashraf, "New words from the Old Language of Arran, Shirvan and Azerbaijan "(in
Persian), Iranian Journal of Linguistics, Vol. 17, No 1(33), pp 22-41, 1381/2002)
However we propose our theory. First we need to distinguish urban centers from nomadic
grazing lands. If there was large cultural activities in the area according to primary sources in
the urban centers, then we need to look at the language of the cultural and also notice if there is
any trace of Fahlavviyat/Kurdish or other dialects. The Dastur al-Adwiyah is a good start with
this regard and it is from 1400 A.D. Our theory is that the urban centers of Arran were like
Tabriz. They had Sunni Shafi'i religion with primary Iranian population but they were ruled by
Turkmens. Thus Turkicization had advanced possibly in these cities. However, it seems from
what Maraghi has called the Tabrizi language and the Dastur al-Adwiyah, and also the
Fahlaviyyat of Mama 'Esmat Tabrizi (a mystic Women who did not have education), the primary
language was Iranic. It should be noted the daughter of Fazlollah Astarabadi who was born and
lived in Tabriz has all her work in Persian as well where-as in Iraq, Nasimi, a Seyyed
(descendant of the Prophet Muhammad) wrote in both Persian and Turkic. Thus our first theory
is that just like Tabriz, major centers in Arran were not Turkified. However, the plains of Arran
were definitely an area of grazing for Iranian (Kurdish) and Turkic nomads. A contradiction to
this theory would be brought if there are primary sources that mention the urban centers and their
language and cultural around the 1400 A.D. period. For now, the author is only aware of Dastur
al-Adwiyah.
As per Sherwan, the area was under the Sherwanshah. Badr Sherwani has poetry in the Kenar-ab
dialect. Also there is a mistake in the Iranica article on Badr Sherwani which was brought to the
attention of Iranica authors by this editor. Unfortunately the Azerbaijani writer Rahimov has
omitted many verses of Badr Sherwani for political reasons and he has claimed that Badr's
mother tongue was Turkish. In reality this was not the case as noted in:
Sadeqi, Al Asharf. " The conflict between Persian and Turkish in Arran and Shirvan "(in
Persian), Iranian Journal of Linguistics, Vol 18, No (35). Pages 1-12. ISSN 0259-9082
Badr Sherwani clearly states he is not a Turkomen but he knows some Turkish:
j±L (_5^jJ -"*■ j jo'^ ^£jl _}l ftp
L_J.il a (J__j|j o dllj jj a \X_oi a ___- 1 j
(jLoi-JJ ajS (jjl jl j^ya ajj f& A£ JilL
He also has harsh words against the Turkomens as it seems at that time, there was major battles
between the Sherwanshah and the Turkomens:
i_ilji. ajta Jj Jji. (jULo^jj j^ aa jl
aJ5s I \LA a l_5LLg 4_J U-kJ (jL-^ \ AS Lgjjl }^. jlj
(-5 J^ -^ . . . . "-^S J* U^JJ (jjf
dlil^J j "-^-UAi. Q&J^. '"'«j» " j ale, j p- jli
Unfortunately Rahimov did not publish "... ." parts of these verses but from the other words we
can see Badr Sherwani had disdain for the Turkomans.
After contacting the editor of Iranica and sending him the study by Dr. Sadeghi, this is what Dr.
Yarshater stated:
"Very many thanks for your email of November 19 and the attached article by Professor Sadeghi
on the languages of Arran and Shervan. I truly appreciate your drawing my attention to the
inexcusable error in Rahimov' s short entry. Obviously the author was a Turkish Azarbaijani
intent on the glorification of Turkish. We shall remove
the entry from our electronic version and we shall add in the Addenda and Corrigenda of the
Volume XV the fact that the entry in the printed version is erroneous and one needs to look at the
electronic version for the correct entry.
I was wondering that since you have detected the error, whether you could give us the added
assistance of putting together an entry on Badr-e Shirvani, to be published under your own
signature, based on Prof. Sadeghi' s article and other articles that you may have come across on
the poet? He deserves a longer and more substantial entry. I should greatly appreciate your help."
Dr. Yarshater at first had the impression I was a scholar of Persian poetry since I introduced him
to articles on Badr Sherwani. However as I explained to him, I was not and he is currently in the
process of finding someone suitable to rewrite that entry.
According to Dr. Ali Ashraf Sadeqi: "However it seems in Badr's time, some Iranian dialects,
other than Persian i.e. Tati, Talesh and Pahlavi, still prevailed in the area"
What is interesting though about Badr Sherwani is that he knew Persian, a Kenar- Ab Iranic
dialect and also Turkic which he had learned. He has less than 100 verses total in these two and
the rest of his work (12500 verses or so) are in Persian. The Kenar- ab dialect is the rarest dialect
among these and it is in our opinion the native dialect of Badr Sherwani himself. It seems that
this period was a period of increasing bi-lingualism but at the same time, Badr points out "I am
not one of those that do not know Turkish" which means that a large portion of the Muslim
population of the area did not yet know Turkish. Thus when it comes to Sherwan, we can safely
assume Iranic dialects were prevalent.
Finally, the Safavid era is a key turning point. The Safavids not only transformed the religious
landscape of Azerbaijan (except some Kurdish areas which kept their Shafi'i faith), but they
brought large number of nomads to settle in the Azerbaijan. Majority (if not all) of the
Ghezelbash supporters of the Safavids were from Anatolia and Syria. The names of these tribes
such as Rumlu (from Rum (Anatolia)), Qaramanlu (from Qaraman in Anatolia), Shamlu (from
Syria) and etc. also show this. Despite this, even in the Safavid era, the 17th century Ottoman
traveler 'Awliya Chelebi mentions that most of the Women in Maragheh speak Fahlavi. On
Naxchivan he also mentions Iranian dialects as among the languages spoken including "Pahlavi,
Dari, Farsi and Dehqani". Also Tabriz itself was mainly a Shafi'i Sunni city. Turks who
converted to Islam usually adopted Hanafism and this itself is an important distinguisher.
"The Turkmens who entered Anatolia no doubt brought with them vestiges of the pre-Islamic
inner Asian shamanistic past but eventually became in considerable measure firm adherents of
the near-universal Islamic madhab for the Turks, the Hanafi one"
(Mohamed Taher, "Encyclopedic Survey of Islamic Culture", Anmol Publication PVT, 1998.
Turkey: Pg 983).
"There have sometimes been forcible and wholesale removals from one "rite" to another,
generally for political reasons; as when the Ottoman Turks, having gained power in Iraq and the
Hijaz in the sixteenth century, compelled the Shafi'ite Qadis either to change to the Hanafi "rite"
to which they (the Turks) belonged, or to relinquish office."
(Reuben Levy, "Social Structure of Islam", Taylor and Francis, 2000. Pg 183).
"Unlike the Sunni Turks, who follow the Hanafi school of Islamic law, the Sunni Kurds follow
the Shafi'i school"
(Federal Research Div Staff, Turkey: A Country Study, Kessinger Publishers, 2004. pg 141).
"Hanafism was founded by a Persian, Imam Abu Hanifa, who was a student of Imam Ja'far Al-
Sadeq, ... His school held great attraction from the beginning for Turks as well as Muslims of the
Indian subcontinent. Today the Hanafi school has the largest number of follows in the Sunni
world, including most Sunni Turks, the Turkic people of Caucasus, and Central Asia, European
Muslims, and the Muslims of Indian subcontinent "
(Nasr, Seyyed Hossein. "The Heart of Islam: Enduring Values for Humanity" . HarperColins,
2004. Pg 68).
Tabriz itself was a predominanetly Shafi'i city before the Safavids. Thus the Turkicization of
Azerbaijan continued in the Safavid and Qajar era, and large pockets of Talyshi/Tati dialects
were Turkicized. In terms of Arran and Sherwan, it seems that Talyshi, Tati and Kurdish after
the Safavid era increasingly lost space. Specially, after the demise of the Sherwanshah in
Sherwan. So indeed the Safavid' s brought large conversion of Azerbaijan, Arran and Sherwan to
Shi'ism and this went hand in hand with Turkification. All the Sunni Talysh, Tats and Kurds of
Azerbaijan proper are today uniformly Shafi'ite, which was rare or almost non-existent among
Turks entering the area.
But even up to the 20th century, there was a large number of Iranic speakers Tats (Persian),
Talysh and Kurds in Arran and Shirwan, but the Turkic linguistic elements by the 20th were
predominant and many of these Iranic elements were assimilated into the Azeri-Turkic identity,
specially during the USSR era. For example on Tats:
"In the nineteenth century the Tats were settled in large homogeneous groups. The intensive
processes of assimilation by the Turkic- speaking Azerbaijanis cut back the territory and numbers
of the Tats. In 1886 they numbered more than 120,000 in Azerbaijan and 3,600 in Daghestan.
According to the census of 1926 the number of Tats in Azerbaijan (despite the effect of natural
increase) had dropped to 28,500, although there were also 38,300 "Azerbaijanis"with Tat as their
native language."
(World Culture Encyclopedia: "Tats",
http://www.evervculture.com/Russia-Eurasia-China/Tats-Orientation.html accessed Dec, 2007)
(Natalia G. Volkova "Tats"in Encyclopedia of World Culture, Editor: David Publisher, New
York: G.K. Hall, Prentice Hall International, 1991-1996).
Abbas Qoli Agha Bakikhanov, a 19th century literary figure from the Caucasia mentions in his
Golestan Iram large number of Tats in the area around Baku:
There are eight villages in Tabarsaran which are: Jalqan, Rukan, Maqatir, Kamakh, Ridiyan,
Homeydi, Mata'i, and Bilhadi. They are in the environs of a city that Anushiravan built near the
wall of Darband. Its remains are still there. They speak the Tat language, which is one of the
languages of Old Persia. It is clear that they are from the people of Fars and after its destruction
they settled in those villages. ..The districts situated between the two cities of Shamakhi and
Qodyal, which is now the city of Qobbeh, include Howz, Lahej, and Qoshunlu in Shirvan and
Barmak, Sheshpareh and the lower part of Boduq in Qobbeh, and all the country of Baku, except
six villages of Turkmen, speak Tat. it becomes apparent from this that they originate from Fars.
(Floor, Willem. and Javadi, Hasan. i(2009), "The Heavenly Rose-Garden: A History of Shirvan &
Daghestan by Abbas Qoli Aqa Bakikhanov, Mage Publishers, 2009)
Despite these, we believe that one can decisively state that Turkish became the main language of
urban areas in Arran, Sherwan and Azerbaijan after the Safavid era and not before that era.
When exactly this occurred in the Safavid era, it is unknown to us. However taking Tabriz an
example, the period of constant Ottoman and Safavid warfare which brought major decline to the
fortunate of the city is a possibility. A period of bilingualism is possible in the Turkmen Aq-
Qoyunlu and Qara-Qoyunlu era for some urban centers (outside of Sherwan but in Azerbaijan
and Arran). However when it comes to the Seljuqs, Atabeks, Khwarizmshahids and Ilkhanids,
the major urban centers were predominanetly Iranic as mentioned and the Turkish nomads at that
time hand not settled down in the major urban centers in noticeable numbers.
A complete book can be written on this subject because we have many primary materials.
However, some authors who are not specialist in the area or authors with nationalistic concerns
or authors who do not possess the necessary languages (Persian and Arabic, and also Armenian
and Georgian can be helpful), have came up with variety of conclusions. Sometimes even myths
(see the appendix) have been used to comeup with a totally unrealistic scenario. However,
without important sources such as Safinayeh Tabrizi, Nozhat al-Majales, Hamdullah Mustawafi,
'Awliya Chelebi, Badr Sherwani, Rodhat al-Janan, the Fahlaviyyat of Mama 'Esmat, Maghrebi
Tabrizi and etc., a complete study cannot be claimed.
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TURKISH IN RELATION TO PERSIAN OF IRAN
Sadeqi, Ali Ashraf. "Chand She'r beh Zaban-e Karaji, Tabrizi wa Ghayreh"(Some poems in
the language of Karaji and Tabrizi and others), Majalla-ye Zabanshenasi, 9, 1379./2000, pp. 14-
17. http://www.azargoshnasp.net/languages/Azari/zabankarajitabrizi.pdf
Minorsky, Vladimir. "Studies in Caucasian history", Cambridge University Press, 1957.
Mohamed Taher, "Encyclopedic Survey of Islamic Culture", Anmol Publication PVT, 1998.
Turkey
Reuben Levy, "Social Structure of Islam", Taylor and Francis, 2000.
Federal Research Div Staff, Turkey: A Country Study, Kessinger Publishers, 2004. pg 141
Nasr, Seyyed Hossein. "The Heart of Islam: Enduring Values for Humanity" . HarperColins,
2004.
Appendix: Response to two arguments with
regards to the population of Turks in
Caucasus
Do "Turkish" soldiers in Baghdad during the early Abbasid period
have anything to do with Caucasus and Azerbaijan
One critic has claimed that: there was a lot of Turks in Baghdad serving the caliphate, so
Azerbaijan and Caucasia had a large Turkic military population before the Seljuqs.
First, the Turkic military population in Iraq was not large, but Turks being employed in various
armies is like Berbers, Slavs, Iranians (soghdians specially) and etc. being employed in various
armies. None of these show evidence of any Turkish speaking cities and colonies in the
Caucasus and Azerbaijan. Indeed, there is no Turkish toponyms in both Eastern Southern
Caucusas or Azerbaijan before the Seljuqs, directly disproving any claim of any substantial
Turkish population. For example unlike the Iranian names such as Ganja, Baku, Sherwan,
Darband, Barda', Lahijan and etc., one would expect some Turkic names in the area. Also the
area of Azerbaijan and Caucasus were controlled by Medes, Achaemenids, Greeks, Parthians,
Sassanids and then Arabs (occasional Khazar incursions), then Sherwanshahs, Rawwadids,
Sajids, Justanids, Daylamites and Shaddadids and etc. Thus no real Turkic rule was present until
the Seljuqs. Again there is nothing comparable to say Armenian writings or the Nozhat al-
Majales (a complete picture of Muslim Arran) and Safinaye Tabriz (a complete picture of
Muslim Azerbaijan) that shows any proof or evidence of Turkic culture.
Let us first see how many Turks were in Baghdad and was is meant by Turks. However, the
number of Turks in Iraq has nothing to do with Azerbaijan, Sherwan or Arran. But we will quote
a book which consider the number of "Turks" (generic demeanor as explained by M.A. Shaban).
"More difficult question surround the size of the Turkish Guard. Ibn Tahribirdi's example
indicates the problem of relying directly on the source: "(al-Mu'taism) devoted himself to the
purchase (of Turks) such that their number reached 8,000 mamluks. The number also reported as
18,000, which is the more widely known (of these two numbers". The sources, in other words,
provide a range of figures. The earliest references are those of al-Ya'qubi, who has 3000
Ghulams collected by al-Mu'tasim during al-Ma'mun's reign; al-Mas'udi, who refers to 4000
Turks collected by al-Mu'tasim; and al-Kindi who reports on the 4,000 strong force of Turks in
Egypt with al-Mu'tasim shortly before his rise to the caliphate. Michael the Syrian provides a
similar number. It is supriting, therefore, to find later authors such asl-Khatib al-Baghdadi
(50000), Nizam al-Mulk (70,000), and Yaqut al-Hamawi (70000) provide numbers in the tens of
thousands (of Turkish soldiers). Between the two pols lies a third group of sources, which are
content with a figure between 17000 and 20000.
Kennet's number (103,000) however., are considerably higher than those proposed by Tollner,
who argues for a maximum figure of 20,000 Turkish guardsmen. Kennet's number seems
excessive and until certain issues are better resolved, the lower figure is probably to be
preferred. "(Matthew S. Gordon, "The Breaking of a Thousand Swords: A History of the Turkish
Military of Sammara, State University of New York Press, 2001. Pg 72-73)
Thus a rough estimate from 4,000 (earliest sources) to 100,000 (one author) and the consensus
seems to be 20,000. However what should be pointed out is that "Turk" used by these Arab
authors were a generic term.
According to one modern source with regards to military personal in Baghdad:
"The name Turk was given to all these troops, despite the inclusion amongst them of some
elements of Iranian origin, Ferghana, Ushrusana, and Shash - places were in fact the centers
were the slave material was collected together" ('Uthman Sayyid Ahmad Ismail Bill, "Prelude to
the Generals", Published by Garnet & Ithaca Press, 2001.)
M. A. Shaban goes further:
"These new troops were the so-called "Turks". It must be said without hesitation that this is the
most misleading misnomer which has led some scholars to harp ad nauseam on utterly
unfounded interpretation of the following era, during which they unreasonably ascribe all events
to Turkish domination. In fact the great majority of these troops were not Turks. It has
been frequently pointed out that Arabic sources use the term Turk in a very loose manner.
The Hephthalites are referred to as Turks, so are the peoples of Gurgan, Khwarizm and
Sistan. Indeed, with the exception of the Soghdians, Arabic sources refer to all peoples not
subjects of the Sassanian empire as Turks. In Samarra separate quarters were provided for
new recruits from every locality. The group from Farghana were called after their district, and
the name continued in usage because it was easy to pronounce. But such groups as the
Ishtakhanjiyya, the Isbijabbiya and groups from similar localities who were in small numbers at
first, were lumped together under the general term Turks, because of the obvious difficulties the
Arabs had in pronouncing such foreign names. The Khazars who also came from small
localities which could not even be identified, as they were mostly nomads, were perhaps the
only group that deserved to be called Turks on the ground of racial affinity. However,
other groups from Transcaucasia were classed together with the Khazars under the general
description."
(M.A. Shaban, "Islamic History", Cambridge University Press, v. 2 1978. Page 63)
Note unlike what M.A. Shaban states, even Iranian Soghdians and Alans have been counted as
Turkish groups in some Arabic sources. The name Turk itself does not have agreed etymology
or even origin. Its identification firmly with Altaic speakers (although now Mongols are not
considered part of this language family by some linguists) is fairly recent, since in old Islamic
sources even Tibetians, Chinese, Mongols and etc. were all called Turks (besides Iranian peoples
like Soghdians, Alans and etc. that we have mentioned). One possible hypothesis is that the
word is connected to Turan and Turaj/Turag (Pahlavi), just like Iranian and Iran are connected to
Iraj of the Shahnameh.
One Soghdian(Iranian) in particular who was mistaken for a Turk was the general Afshin. That
is while two old Arabic sources mention Afshin as a Turk, it is clear to modern scholars he was a
Soghdian and other sources have mentioned him as such.
Daniel Pipes states: "Although two classical sources claim him a Turk, he came from Farghana,
an Iranian cultural region and was not usually considered Turkish"( D. Pipes. Turks in Early
Muslim Service — JTS, 1978, 2, 85—96.)
Bernard Lewis also states: "Babak's Iranianizing Rebellion in Azerbaijan gave occasion for
sentiments at the capital to harden against men who were sympathetic to the more explicitly
Iranian tradition. Victor (837) over Babak was al-Afshin, who was the hereditary Persian ruler of
a district beyond the Oxus, but also a masterful general for the caliph. "( Bernard Lewis, "The
Political Language of Islam", Published by University of Chicago Press, 1991. Pg 482)
And J.H. Kramer states about Oshrusana:
"Under Mamun, the country had to be conquered again and a new expedition was necessary in
207/822. On this last occasion, the Muslim army was guided by Haydar (Khedar), the son of the
Afshln Kawus, who on account of dynastic troubles had sought refuge in Baghdad. This time the
submission was complete; Kawus abdicated and Haydar succeeded him, later to become one of
the great nobles of the court of Baghdad under al-Mutasim, where he was known as al- Afshln.
His dynasty continued to reign until 280/893 (coin of the last ruler Sayr b. Abdallah of 279 [892]
in the Hermitage in St. Petersburg); after this date, the country became a province of the
Samanids and ceased to have an independent existence, while the Iranian element was eventually
almost entirely replaced by the Turkic. "( J.H. Kramers "Usrushana." Encyclopaedia of Islam.
Edited by: P. Bearman , Th. Bianquis , C.E. Bosworth , E. van Donzel and W.P. Heinrichs. Brill,
2007)
Thus modern scholars affirm Afshin was Iranian. However to Arab authors at the time, the term
"Turk" did not specifically mean Altaic speakers as much as a person from the far away regions
of Central Asia.
According C.E. Bosworth, "The Appearance of the Arabs in Central Asia under the Umayyads
and the establishment of Islam", in History of Civilizations of Central Asia, Vol. IV: The Age of
Achievement: AD 750 to the End of the Fifteenth Century, Part One: The Historical, Social and
Economic Setting, edited by M. S. Asimov and C. E. Bosworth. Multiple History Series. Paris:
UNESCO Publishing, 1998. excerpt from page 23: "Central Asia in the early seventh century,
was ethnically, still largely an Iranian land whose people used various Middle Iranian languages.
C. Edmund Bosworth: "In early Islamic times Persians tended to identify all the lands to the
northeast of Khorasan and lying beyond the Oxus with the region of Turan, which in the
Shahnama of Ferdowsi is regarded as the land allotted to Fereydun's son Tur. The denizens of
Turan were held to include the Turks, in the first four centuries of Islam essentially those
nomadizing beyond the Jaxartes, and behind them the Chinese (see Kowalski; Minorsky,
"Turan"). Turan thus became both an ethnic and a geographical term, but always containing
ambiguities and contradictions, arising from the fact that all through Islamic times the lands
immediately beyond the Oxus and along its lower reaches were the homes not of Turks but of
Iranian peoples, such as the Sogdians and Khwarezmians."( C.E. Bosworth, "Central Asia: The
Islamic period up to the Mongols" in Encyclopedia Iranica).
Anyhow, besides pointing to generic term Turk, these Turks in Baghdad have no relationship
with actual large settlements of Turkic peoples in Azerbaijan and Caucasus.
There are new studies showing that the ethnonym "Turk" itself is from the Iranian Khotanese
Saka language and it was then past to Altaic speakers(V.H. Mair, Contact and Exchanges in the
ancient World, University of Hawai Press, 2006. Pp 142 for a detailed study).
In general as shown already, the urban population based on books such as Nozhat al-Majales of
Arran and Sherwan was Persian and there is no mention of Turkish language in Arran by
travelers (for example Estakhri clearly mentions Persian and Arabic as do others).
References (note first name of Author is put first here):
Matthew S. Gordon. "The Breaking of a Thousand Swords: A History of the Turkish Military
of Sammara, State University of New York Press, 2001.Narshaxi, Muhammad -
Bernard Lewis, "The Political Language of Islam", Published by University of Chicago Press,
1991.
Uthman Sayyid Ahmad Ismail Bill, "Prelude to the Generals", Published by Garnet & Ithaca
Press, 2001.
Clifford Edmond Bosworth, "Barbarian Incursions: The Coming of the Turks into the Islamic
World." In Islamic Civilization, Edited by D. S. Richards. Oxford, 1973.
C.E. Bosworth, "The Appearance of the Arabs in Central Asia under the Umayyads and the
establishment of Islam", in History of Civilizations of Central Asia, Vol. IV: The Age of
Achievement: AD 750 to the End of the Fifteenth Century, Part One: The Historical, Social and
Economic Setting, edited by M. S. Asimov and C. E. Bosworth. Multiple History Series. Paris:
UNESCO Publishing, 1998.
C.E. Bosworth, ", "CENTRAL ASIA: The Islamic period up to the Mongols" in Encyclopedia
Iranica
D. Pipes. Turks in Early Muslim Service — JTS, 1978, 2, 85—96.
J.H. Kramers "Usrushana." Encyclopaedia of Islam. Edited by: P. Bearman , Th. Bianquis ,
C.E. Bosworth , E. van Donzel and W.P. Heinrichs. Brill, 2007
M.A. Shaban, "Islamic History", Cambridge University Press, v. 2 1978.
Akbar Kitab al-Tijan: The Arab folklore Kitab al-Tijan and fight
between mythical Yemenese Kings and Turks in Azerbaijan has no
historical validity
The writer saw this posed in a forum: "At the time of the Arab conquest there was a large
Turkish population in Iranian Azerbaijan and it is possible to find these in Arab sources. Arab
sources refer to the collision of Yemeni raiders in Azerbaijan and a victory by the Yemenese and
taking the children of the Turks as captive. Ibn Hisham describes to the Omayyad Caliph
Mua'wiyyah about the question of Azerbaijan and Turks that originally Turks lived in
Azerbaijan. To sum up the message of Arab authors was that Turks were majority in
Azerbaijan"
Such statements stem from nationalistic considerations rather than close examinations of the
books attributed to Ibn Hisham. We believe the author is referring to the book al-Tijan (the book
of crowns) by Wahb b. Munabbih which appears in recension of Ibn Hisham. Ibn Hisham (died
833 A.D.) himself lived much later than the Ummayad Caliph Mua'wiyah (602-680 A.D.). The
other book is Akhbar 'Ubayd (the history, poetry and genealogy of Yemen) again both published
in 1928 based on the Hyberabad manuscript that is a copy of a 1622 lost manuscript. And also
one cannot "sum up" based on a mythical story anything about Turks being majority in
Azerbaijan where there is not a single reference from Arab travelers to the area (like Istakhri)
and clear manuscripts like Safinaye Tabrizi and Nozhat al-Majales which shows that there was
no Turkish urban culture present in the area even during the time of the Seljuqids. It seems the
author who made this statement has not read the works of al-Tijan and Akhbar 'Ubayd and has
referenced another nationalist writer who has taken a certain quote out of the context of the story.
Finally to make a generalization based on a legendary source shows complete disregard of
methodology of history writing as well scientific observations.
Although the legendary nature of the works of Akhbar 'Ubayd and Kitab al-Tijan are well
known and have been already dismissed by Ibn Khaldun(and before him by Al-Masu'di) before
being subsequently dismissed by Western scholars, we shall delve into this argument in more
detail by bringing primary sources. Before we do so, we should note before the Seljuqs, Arab
and Persian travelers mention the language of the Caucasus as Persian and Arabic, and not
Turkish. Qatran Tabrizi' s poetry shows that the Oghuz who made a minor incursion in
Azerbaijan during the Ghaznavid era (before being driven out) were foreigners. Similarly, all
dynasties before the Seljuqs ruling these areas were not Turkic (only Khazars and Ummayads
skirmished for 100 years were the Khazars occasionally raided the Southern Caucasus and the
'Ummayads the Northern Caucasus. However in the end, the boundary of both empire remained
the same as that of the Sassanids and Khazars). Dynasties such as Sajids (of Soghdian origin),
Sherwanshahs, Shaddadids, Rawwadis, Justanids, and etc. have already been discussed and none
of these were Turkish. Before the Arab invaders, Caucasian Albania and Azerbaijan were ruled
also by Iranian dynasties such as Sassanids and sometimes minor dynasties under Sassanids such
as the Mehranids and Parthian dynasties of Albania. Before that the area was ruled by the
Parthians, and before that it was the Romans and Greeks in Caucasia Albania and Atropates
Persian dynasty in Azerbaijan. And before the Romans and Greeks, we have the Achaemenids,
and then Iranian Medes. Thus there was no interval for large numbers of Turks to inhabit
Azerbaijan and displace the original Iranians of the area. The toponyms such as Ganja,
Azerbaijan, Baku, Sherwan,Ardabil, Tabriz and etc. are not Turkic and one cannot find one
reliable Turkic toponym from this area before the Seljuqs. And we have already brought
examples of the pre-Turkish language of Azerbaijan which has been references by both Islamic
authors, manuscripts (such as Safinayeh Tabrizi and Nozhat al-Majales, Homam Tabrizi and
etc.). Also the book Nozhat al-Majales shows the everyday Persian culture of the Caucasus and
uses many local idioms and words.
All of these and more were described in such sections and subsections of the article.
Consequently, such manuscripts as the Nozhat al-Majales using everyday Persian idioms from
the Caucasus, and describing the cultural life of the area (the terms of everyday cultural life
being Persian not Turkish), showing everyday average people (not related to courts) using
Persian is sufficient proof that the culture of urban centers and the area of the Caucasus even
during the Seljuqid era was not Turkish. Only with the Mongol invasions were large number of
Turkmen/Oghuz tribes pushed in the area and it took many centuries onward (even up to the 19th
century as noted by Bakikhanov Baku was still predominantly Persian) to finally linguistically
Turkify the area. The tipping point as we mentioned was probably the Safavid era. Some places
like Astara in Iran Gilan province were Talysh speaking only 60 years ago and some Tati
villages became Turkophone in Iran only recently (mentioned by Behzad Behzadi in his
PersianAzeri dictionary and Jalal Al-Ahmad on Tat Neshinaan Bu'in Zahra).
Given these well known facts which are agreed upon by Western scholars (and Russian ones
such as History of the East), there is no reason to delve into Yemenese legends of Akhbar
'Ubayd and Kitab al-Tijan. However we do so to show that these legends really have nothing to
do with Turks (speakers of Altaic speakers) but have to do with Turanians (mythical Iranian
group). The Yemenese components of these legends have been dismissed by Ibn Khaldun(and
before him by al-Masu'di) long before modern scholars began examinaning the Kitab al-Tijan
and Akhbar 'Ubayd.
Before we bring translations of Ibn Hisham who quotes 'Ubyad (also written as 'Abid), we
should first mention who/what are Ibn Hisham, 'Ubayd, Muaw'iya, Kitab al-Tijan and Akhbar
'Ubayd. The Kitab al-Tijan is a book that is ascribed to Ibn Hisham which has many Himyarite
(name for Yemen) legends. As will be shown the Kitab al-Tijan is a legendary composite work
with its oldest manuscript dating from 1622 A.D. and with many interpolations. It is ascribed to
Ibn Hisham and it quotes a certain 'Ubayd who is thought of as a legendary figure. The stuff
attributed to 'Ubayd is remotely related to the question of the existence of a historical 'Ubayd at
the court of the Ummayad Caliphat Mua'wiyah. Furthermore, the Himyarite Kings quoted with
regards to their attack on Azerbaijan are all legendary and existed during the time of ancient
legendary Iranian Kings (like Manuchehr).
First we quote an entry on Ibn Hisham:
Ibn Hisham (d. 218/833)
Abu Muhammad ' Abd al-Malik ibn Hisham was an Egyptian scholar of south Arabian origin,
best known for edition of the Sira, or life (of the Prophet Muhammad), of ibn Ishaq (d. 150/767).
Ibn Hisham's edition of the Sira was based on the Kufan recension of al-Bakka'i (d. 183/ 799),
extensive quotations from which were used by al-Azraqi (d. c. 250/865), al-Tabari (d. 310/923)
and others, and provide a basis for assessing how Ibn Hisham proceeded. The most significant
change was the suppression of much of the Mubtada' section of the work, which dealt with the
pre-Islamic background of Muhammad's life and contained much legendary material to which
some authorities objected. Ibn Hisham also reduced the amount of poetry, and added many
remarks, clearly separated from the main text by the introductory phrase gala, 'Ibn Hisham said,
'to explain obscure allusions to individuals, define unusual words, provide variants, or elaborate
when he felt he had relevant material to offer. In this new form the Sira of Ibn Ishaq was very
popular and rapidly became the authoritative interpretation of the life of Muhammad.
Also extant from Ibn Hisham's pen is his Kilab al-Tljanfi rnuluk Himyar wa-al-Yaman (Book of
Crowns, concerning the Kings of Himyar and Yemen), a book of Biblical and ancient Arabian
lore based on an earlier collection of such materials by Wahb ibn Munabbih. The work begins
with Creation of Adam and Eve, and the early patriarchs; all this is made to lead to the history of
Yemen and the southern Arabs. The rest of the book stays with this subject, relating early
folklore about the glories and achievements of the Yemenites, most particularly the exploits of al-
Sa'b Dhu al-Qarnayn. Legends pertaining to the Quraysh are also introduced, and the work ends
with tales about Sayf ibn Dhl Yazan. The Kitab al-Tijan is clearly a composite work that had not
stabilized even in the time of Ibn Hisham, but nevertheless reflects a type of early material that
was becoming increasingly marginalized as scholars excluded it from their more formal studies.
Kitab al-Tijan, Fritz Krenkw (ed.), Hyderabad, 1928.
(L.I. Conrad, "ibn Hisham" in Julie Scott Meisami, Paul Starkeym, "Encyclopedia of Arabic
Literature", Taylor & Francis, 1998. Page 335.)
Before delving into these Yemenese legends, we should know more about Wahb B. Munabbih.
According to the Encyclopedia of Islam:
WAHB B. MUNABBIH, ABU ' ABD ALLAH, Yemeni narrator and author-transmitter from
South Arabia. He was of Persian origin, having been born at Dhimar, two days' march from
Sana' in the year 34/654-5. Information about his conversion to Islam in the year 10 A.H. is
unreliable. More probably the details concerned his father Munabbih, of whom it was said that
"he converted to Islam at the time of the Prophet and that he was a good Muslim" (Ibn Hadjar,
Tahdhib, xi, 167). He lived with his five brothers at Sana', and Hammam was the eldest of them.
The most reasonable date for the brother's death seems to be 101 or 102/719-20, and the least
probable is 132, when compared with that of Wahb (see below). He left a Sahifa with almost 140
translations and commentaries; these were published by R.F. Abd al-Muttalib in 1406/1986,
following a manuscript from the Dar al-Kutub in Cairo, which corrects and expands the edition
by Hamfdullah, who followed mss. from Berlin and Damascus.
Alongside the biblical section, which all these titles denote, is another which concerns the pre-
Islamic Arab period; this established a true bridge between the biblical world and the Yemeni
Arab past. It is the K. al-Muluk al-mutawwad\a min Himyar wa-akhbarihim wa kishasihim wa-
kuburihim wa-asha 'rihim, and according to Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat, iii, 671]. Ibn Kutayba is
said to have seen a version of it himself. In any case, the presence of material on the same theme
was attested by the Kitab al-Tidjan of Ibn Hisham, who referred to Wahb as his primary source,
through the intermediary of the same grandson, and from him Asad b. Musa [q.v. in Suppl]. He
found it in the library of the judge of Egypt, who received him and opened his house to him as a
disciple (see Khoury, Asad b. Musa, 23). In the first part of this book Wahb is found everywhere
as the only authority; these are the pages containing the beginning of the biblical world, where
the indication
of names and dates, etc. points to certain, detailed knowledge; and it was to this world that the
author wanted to connect Yemen, with a view to enhancing the worth of this country to the
bosom of Islam, to Meccan and then to North Arabian roots, and to the
centre of rivalries which had built up between north and south.
In the second part of Ibn Hisham's book it is noticeable that the name of Wahb is
mentioned increasingly less often, eventually disappearing altogether in the last part. The
global tone which dominates this book resides in its distinctively biblical character, and this
distinguishes it entirely from the book of cAbid (or cUbayd) b. Sharya [see IBN SHARYA]
,Akhbdr cAbidb. Sharyaifi akhbaral-Yaman wa-ashariha wa-ansabiha (ed., with Ibn
Hisham's K. al-Tidjan, Haydarabad 1347/1928-9). In that book we are dealing with a story-
teller who becomes the samtr(=/egend/story teller) of Mu'awiya in Damascus, and fills out
his stories mainly with poetry. This becomes the dominant element and confirms historical
narrations (on this subject see Khoury, Kalif, Geschichte und Dichtung, esp. 213 ff.).
As for later authors, they often altered certain traditions which they attached to his name, which
means that not all of the alterations may have come from him. In any case, in his Kitab al-Tidjan
he showed a real knowledge of the Bible, even if this was not extensive,
in certain citations from the text (see Khoury, Quelques reflexions., 553 ff., esp. 555-6). What
was circulated with these biblical and extra-biblical studies was a common Semitic reservoir of
great antiquity, and this was often disseminated orally, especially outside
the Judaeo-Christian dogmatic centres; this has been very ably noted by H. Schwarzbaum in his
book on biblical and extra-biblical stories (see BibL). In short, Wahb is an important
representative of the expansion of the historical perspective. His writings embodied a truly
universal vision of history, comprising: 1. Ancient biblical history; 2. pre-Islamic Yemeni
history; 3. Islamic history of the prophet; and 4. history of the
caliphate.
(R.G. Khoury, "Wahb b. Munabbih", Encyclopaedia of Islam. Edited by: P. Bearman , Th.
Bianquis , C.E. Bosworth , E. van Donzel and W.P. Heinrichs. Brill, 2007. (2nd edition-online
version)).
We should also know about 'Ubayd ibn Sharya who is mentioned in the Kitab al-Tijan being the
main story teller of Mua'wiya. The Encyclopedia of Islam article by Rosenthal has an article on
'Ubayd.
SHARYA. Abid/cUbayd al-Djurhumi, sage and antiquary, frequently cited as a relater of
quasi-historical traditions. The form of his name is not certain. The manuscripts appear to
vacillate between cAbid and eUbayd. 'Umayr occurs by mistake (Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-ghaba,
Bulak 1286, iii, 351; Ibn Hadjar, Isaba, Calcutta 1856-73, iii, 201). The form Sharya is
confirmed by the metre (cf. O. Lofgren, Ein Hamdani-Fund, Uppsala Universitets Arsskrifl, vii
(1935), 24; al-Hamdani, Mil, ed. 0. Lofgren, Uppsala 1954,6). However, Ibn Hadjar advocates
the pronunciation Shariyya. Sariya, Sariyya, and Shu-bruma(?) also occur (Ibn cAsakir, Tarikh
Dimashk; Yakut, Udaba'\, 10; Usd).
Strong attempts have been made in recent years to defend the historical existence of Ibn
Sharya (cf., for instance, N. Abbott, Studies in Arabic literary papyri, i, Chicago 1957, 9 ff.),
but his historicity as a scholar and author remains entirely conjectural. According to the
sources, Mucawiya called him to his court in order to hear him tell stories of the past. He
died at the age of over 220, 240, or 300 years during the reign of 'Abd al-Malik. In the first
half of the 3rd/9th century, Abu Hatim al-Sidjistani (Mn 'ammarim, ed. Goldziher, Abk. z. arab.
Phil, ii. 40-3) knew him as a long-lived sage. A\-T)]dh.iz{(Bitkhala', Cairo 1948, 40, trans.
Pellat, 67, 337) already seems to refer to him as an authority on the great South Arabian past, and
so does Ibn Hisham in the Kitab al-Tijanr Haydarabad 1347, 66, 209).
Later in that century, Ibn Kutayba (Ta'will makhtalif al-hadith, Cairo 1386/1966, 283, trans.
Lecomte, Damascus 1964, 313) knew him as a genealogist, apparently in connection with South
Arabian history. The early historians usually do not mention him by name. Al-Mas'udi (Murudi,
iv, 89) is inclined to discount his reports on South Arabian history as fiction.
He is credited with a collection of proverbs, which is not preserved (Fihrist, 89; al-Bakri, Fast
al-malakut, Khartum 1958; R. Sellheim, Die klassischarabischen Sprichwortersammlungen, The
Hague r954, 45, 89, 149). His famous "Book of the kings and history of the past" (Fihrist, 89)
was already quoted by al-Mascudi (Murudi, iii, 173-5, 275 ff., iv, 89; A. v. Kremer, Uber die
sudarabische Sage, Leipzig 1866, 46 ff.). According to a somewhat corrupt passage in Ibn
Hadjar, Isaba, iii, 202, al-Hamdani mentioned that in the 4th/10th century a great number of
different recensions of the work were in circulation. One of those recensions has been preserved
in an incomplete form. It has been published under the title of Akhbdr al-Yaman wa ash 'aruha
wa-ansabuha, togheter with Kitab al-Tidjan, Haydarabad, 1347, 31 1-487.
The quotations in al-Mas'udi are sufficiently similar to the published text (cf. Murudi, iii, 275 ff.
= 483 if. of the ed.) to prove the general identity. The published text has later additions; it refers
often to Abd Allah b. al-' Abbas as a cousin of Mucawiya; it has an allusion to the expected
South Arabian Mahdi (478, cf. also the verses quoted in Nashwan, Shams al-'ulum, GMS, xxiv,
103) and one to the Berber 'Alid (which may be a later, Fatimid-period addition, 323); and it
mentions the Daylam and Turks (476).
The available data would seem to indicate that the use of the figure of Ibn Sharya as an
historical narrator does not antedate the early 3rd/9th century, after the figure of the sage
had become securely established. The author of the "Book of kings" may not have been a
South Arabian patriot, but rather some Baghdad antiquarian who tried to profit from the
fashionable interest in South Arabian antiquity. Whether the work contains many reflexions of
genuine South Arabian folklore, as v. Kremer maintained, is another question, though great
scepticism would seem to be indicated. (F. Rosenthal, "Ibn Sharya", Encyclopaedia of Islam.
Edited by: P. Bearman , Th. Bianquis , C.E. Bosworth , E. van Donzel and W.P. Heinrichs. Brill,
2007. (2nd edition-online version)).
According to Norris:
Both Umayyad and Abbasid story-tellers could draw upon a fund of heroic themes. At an early
date there were numerous legends of Muslim martyrs and warriors, but non-Muslim models were
also provided by the flourishing Yemeni school of authors who gloried in the pre-lslamic past of
the Himyarites; the material contained in such works as Wahb b. Munabbih's (d. 110/728 or
114/732) Kitab al-Tijan (in the recension of Ibn Hisham, d. 218/833) and al-Hamdani's (d.
334/945). Mil is no less genuinely South Arabian in stamp for all its borrowings from the
Alexander Romance and from Persian tales and epics. The portrait of a Yemeni hero borrowed
from Alexander stories can already be seen in a poem attributed to the pre-lslamic poet Imru al-
Qays:
Have I not told you that destiny slays by guile,
A slayer most treacherous indeed, it consumes men's sons.
It banished Dhu Riyash from lordly citadels.
When he had ruled the lowlands and the mountains.
He was a valiant king; by revelation he sundered the horizons.
He drove his vanguards to their eastern edges,
And, where the sun climbs, barred the hills to Gog and Magog.
(H.T. Norris, "Fables and Legends" in Jula Ashtiany, T.M. Johnstone, J.D. Latham, R.B.
Serjeant and G. Rex Smith (editors) in "The Cambridge History of Arabic Lietrautre: 'Abbasid
Belles-Lettres", Cambridge University Press, 1990. pp. "138-139")
According to Crosby who has written an excellent book on the legends of Yemen:
"Islamic scholars have debated both the author and his work. Modern scholars question ' Abids
existence as well as the attribution of the Akhbar to him. Fritz Krenkow, in particular, the editor
of Tijan and Akhbar, cast doubt on ' Abid's existence, his authorship of the work, and the
historical validity of the material in Akhbar, which he dismissed as merely " Arabic Folklore ".
(Elise W. Crosby, "The history, poetry, and genealogy of Yemen", Gorgias Press LLC, 2007.
Page 1)
Crosby has done a detailed study on the oldest manuscripts of Al-Tijan and Akhbar 'Ubayd.
There exists only three manuscripts (Hyderabad, London and Germnay) and the oldest extant
manuscript of Al-Tijan is copied from a manuscript of 1622-1625 A.D. and as mentioned(Elise
W. Crosby, "The history, poetry, and genealogy of Yemen", Gorgias Press LLC, 2007. Pages 61-
65). We should note that in the book al-Tijan and Akhbar 'Ubayd, the first Shi'i Imam is given
the salutation ('May God be Pleased with him) when he is quoted. However history tells us that
Mu'awiya had declared public cursing of the first ShiT Imam in Friday sermons and after him,
this was the case with Ummayads until the Ummayad caliph Aziz ibn Umar. This is one of the
many reasons for the inconsistency of the book.
Thus we have these two books containing old Himyarite (Yemenese legend) which is attributed
to Ibn Hisham (d. 833 A.D.) who collected its material from an alleged existing work of Wahb b.
Munabbih (d. 728-732) and it contains much legendary information from a legendary 'Ubayd
who supposedly was the story teller in Mua'wiyya's court (d. 680). The Encyclopedia of Islam
casts doubt on 'Ubayd' s existence and if there was indeed an 'Ubayd in Muaw'iya's court, the
dialogue with the Caliph as preserved in the Akhbar 'Ubayd are to be separated from any such
historical figure. Islamic scholars such as Ibn Khaldun have already dismissed much of the
historicity of the Yemenese legends specially with regards to the raid of Yemenese to Mosul,
Azerbaijan, China, India and etc. Before we bring what Ibn Khaldun states, we should first
mention some details about these Yemenese myths.
According to Kitab al-Tijan, the following were the lines of the Himyarite Kings (note we do not
differentiate here between the two h and t sounds in Arabic when transliterating it into English):
Qahtan
Ya'rub b. Qahtan
Yashjub b. Ya'rub
'Abd Shams Saba' b. Yashjub
Himyarb. Saba'
Wa'il b. Himyar
as-Saksakb. Wa'il
Yu'fir b. as-Saksak
Baran b. ' Awf b. Himyar (a usurper)
Amir Dhu Rayish b. Baran b. ' Awf b. Himyar
an-Nu'man al-Ma'afirb. Yu'fir b. as-Saksak
Shaddad b. 'Ad b. Miltat (a descendant of Wa'il b. Himyar)
Luqman b. ' Ad (brother of Shaddad)
Dhu Shadad al-Hammal b. ' Ad (brother of Shaddad)
Dhu Marathid al-Harith b. al-Hammal ar-Raish
As-Sa'ab Dhu al-Qarnayn b. al-Harith
Abraha Dhu al-Manar as-Sa'ab
Ifrqis Dhu al-Ashrar al-' Abd b. Abraha
Dhu al-Idh'ar ' Amr b. Abraha (brother of Dh al-Ashrar)
(at Ma'rib) Sharahbil b. 'Amr b. Ghalib (a descendant of Yu'fir b. Saksak)
al-Hadhad b. Sharahbil
Bilqis bint al-Hadhad (Note this is the Islamic/Hebrew Equivalent to Queen of Sheba who
appears in the Prophet Solomon's court)
Nashir an-Na'im Malik b. 'Amr b. Yu'fir (a descendant of Wa'il b. Himyar)
Shammar Yar'ash b. Nashir an-Ni'am
Sayfi b. Shammar Yar'ash
(at Ma'arib) 'Amr b. 'Amir b. Muzayqiya'
Rabi'ab.Nasrb. Malik
(interregnum before and after Abu Karib)
'As'ad Abu Karib ar-Raish b. ' Adi b. Sayfi
Hassan b. As'ad Abu Karib
'Amr b. As'ad Abu Karib (brother of Hassan)
'Abd Kalil b. Yanuf
Tubba' b. Hassan b. As'ad Abu Karib (the last Tubba')
Rabia b. Marthad b. 'Abd Khalil
Hassan 'Amrb. Tubba'
Abraha b. as-Sabbah
Lukhay'ab. Yanuf
Dhu Nuwas Zur'a (the last king of Himyar)
Most of these Kings also occur in the Akhbar 'Ubayd.
Some of these Yemenese myths also occur in combination with other Semitic and Indo-Iranian
myths in the books of Tabari, Miskawayah Dinavari and later historians.
Before bringing the relevant passages from the Akhbar which we believe the nationalistic writer
is referencing, an overview of this book is in order. In Tabari and Miskawayah the Yemenese
myth is joined with Iranian myth (and note Wahb was himself Persian) where Manuchehr the
mythical Persian King defeats the mythical Turanian fiend Afrasiyab. While the original
Turanians of Avesta have nothing to do with Altaic speakers, in the Islamic era and possibly late
Sassanid era, the term Turk and Turanian applied to any group from Central Asia. Thus by the
time of Tabari and Ibn Hisham, these terms were used interchangeably.
Overall, the book of Al-Tijan and Akhbar trace back of Himyar from Dhu Nuwas Zur'a all the
way back to Adam. We will go over some of the myths and the Kings associated with them in
this book in order to give general feel for the reader. One of these Kings for example who
allegedly made a raid into Azerbaijan is al-Harith b. al-Hammal ar-Raish. Who is the son of Dhu
Shaddad as given in the table above.
According to the book al-Tijan and Akhbar, he was called Ar-Raish (Dhu Marathid al-Harith b.
al-Hammal ar-Raish) because he made Yemen prosper through plunder he amassed (rasha) from
his raids during his long rule. According to the book al-Tijan, which quotes the legendary
'Ubayd, he lived for 225 years. And o his rule was before King Solomon and Queen of Sheba.
In Tabari, his rule is the same time as Manuchehr and that of the Prophet Moses. With regards to
his raids outside of Yemen, it is said that he first raided India and ordered his kinsmen Yu'fir b.
' Amr b. Sharahbil to remain behind and build a city. The city in India was named ar-Raish in the
honor of ar-Raish. Ar-Raish also invaded Azarbayjan, Mosul and Anbar. In Azarybayjan, he
met the Turks, defeated them and put them to flight (note this is the portion of the passage that
the Turkish nationalist user is referencing). In Azarbayjan, after defeating the Turks, and taking
their children captive, he celebrated his journey by inscribing in two rocks his exploits.
According to Akhbar of ' Abid the rocks still exist during his own time.
Anyhow as the reader can see, all of these are in the realm of myth and legends. We will also
bring Tabari and etc. later and try to find at least some historical roots with legend through the
Iranian Scythians (which were confused with Turanians probably after much myth sizing of
history).
Going back to al-Tijan, after Raish, his son As-Sa'ab Dhu al-Qarnayn b. al-Harith. He is
identified with the Dhu al-Qarnayn of the Qur'an. However, most Muslims historians of the
classical era have identified Dhu al-Qarnayn with Alexander the Great. Taking into account
more detailed history, some modern Muslim historians have discounted the Alexander the Great
connection and have opted for Cyrus the Great. Be that it may, the Dhu al-Qarnayn in al-Tijan
conquers Ethiopia, Sudan, East and West and blocks the path of the Gog and Magog. A good
portion of al-Tijan deals with the exploits of Dhu al-Qarnayn (which is before the Kingdom of
Solomon in the books chronology).
After Dhu al-Qarnayn, the Kingdom if Himyar according to Akhbar and al-Tijan is ruled by
Abraha Dhu al-Manar. Abaraha, who ruled for 180 years had a son name al-'Abd, whose mother
was a jinn (almost equivalent to a daemon in Western culture but also can be friendly like the
Genie bottle) called al-' Ayuf. The father and son together raided the West, while Ifriqis another
son, remained in Yemen to rule. Abraha was also called Dhu al-Manar ("he of the lighthouses"),
because he ordered lighthouses build and fires ignited in them to guide his armies from their
raids. Al ' Abd was given the title "Dhu al-Idhar" because he brought terror and fear to the
prisoners that were captured by his father. But it was Ifriqis who ruled Yemen and he ruled for
164 years. He colonized the Berbers of the West. After him Dhu al-Idhar rules for 25 years.
Later on in the story, al-Hadhad b. Sharahbil the father of Bilqis (the queen of Sheba and also
mentioned in the Qura'n) takes over the throne. Many legends and stories with regards to
Solomon and Bilqis (the Queen of Sheba) are described in the book.
Probably an interesting character in the Akhbar is the King Shamar Yar'ash who ruled for 160
years. He travelled to Iraq, China and Iran. According to the book he fought the Soghdians,
destroyed their capital. Later on the local population build the city Shammar-Kand for him
which is today called Samarqand( In reality, the name SamarKand means stone-fortress and
Asmar/Samar is Old Iranian for stone and Kanth is Old Iranian for fortress/city). Of course the
book contains many such legends with place names. While trying to conquer China, he was
tricked, but 30000 of his troops go to Tibet and 'Ubayd mentions to Mua'wiya that their
descendants are still there, and they dress like Arabs and acknowledge they are Arabs! In the
Akhbar, he is involved in a fight with the legendary Iranian mythical King KayKavus (called
Kay'Qaus). Kayqa'us is called the King of Babylon. Shammar fought him, defeated him and
took him as prisoner according to the Akhbar. But his daughter Su'da pleads with his father
(Shammar) to release him and Shammar releases him on condition that Babylon pays its annual
tribute to Yemen.
Another King after him Shammar according to the Akhbar is Tubba' al-Aqran Dhu al-Qarnayn.
The Akhbar identifies him as Dhul Qarnayn and he lived for 153 years because he did not reach
the water of life. Another king after him was Tubba ar-Ra'id, who is the son of Dhu al-Qarnayn.
He wanted to settle a revolt among the Turks and Khazar, but they killed in his ambassador. He
had no choice but revenge, and took over Mosul and Anbar, and then met the Turks and routed
them out from Azerbaijan and pillaged their lands and took their children. With this regard, in
the Akhbar, the tale goes that Muawiya asks what is the Turk and Azerbaijan and 'Ubayd
responds those were their lands (under their control). Ubayd reports that that he himself
participated in a raid in that region to ask the Persians about the events to have taken place under
Ra'id. The pseudo-'Ubayd expresses the opinion that certainty on the matter can be gained only
by asking about it. When it is a dimly remembered event of the past, the witnesses are dead,
what really happens is no longer evident.
Ra'id comes back to Yemen and ruled for 163 years. Because of his victory over the Turks, the
Persians and non-Arab kings feared him greatly. He received presents of silk, linen, porcelain,
musk, and other products from China. He asked the Indian ambassador that if it is true all these
products come from India and China and the Indian ambassador confirmed it to him. So Ra'id
decides to take military expedition into China. His journey, takes him seven years and ten
months and takes him through Khorasan. He finishes his plundering of China, and leaves a
deputy there by the name of Barid b. an-Nabt. He does not leave a Persian or non-Arab land
without leaving a garrison there. The troops he leaves in China still claim Arab origin and have
a house which they circumambulate seven times and to which they bring sacrifices.
After Ra'id, several other Kings rule Yemen. One of them was Abu Karib who rules for 320
years. He combines astrological knowledge with experience in warfare. He would not undertake
a raid without consulting astrologers. He wrote poems describing his journey and battles. He led
raids to Persia, Syria, North Arabia. Into every land that was plundered by previous Himyarite
kings, he would go and plunder again. A number of poems describing the lands he conquered
are said to be composed by him. He took expeditions to Iraq and found what he thought was a
luxurious life. He prepared a march against the Persian King Qubadh. The Persians assembled
at Babil while Abu Karib and his troops assembled near Kufa. Abu Karib got lost for a while
and due to being lost, he found the city called Hira (popular etymology "lost"). He founded
himself and his troop
and proceeded towards Babil and defeated the army of Qubadh (legendary Shahnameh
character). They fled to Rayy (near modern Tehran), his nephew Shammar pursued the Persian
King and killed the Qubadh in Rayy. Abu Karib returned to Hira after his victory. Abu Karib
next went to Khorasan. Abu Karib wanted to convert the people of Himyar to Judaism, but they
revolted and installed his son Hassan at his request. They killed Abu Karib but not before he
gave some instructions to his son Hassan to go to a certain mountain. Hassan appointed his
brother as caretaker and went to the mountain his father instructed him. A woman met him there
and asked him to take a seat. He refused because of the worms he saw on his bed and pillow.
She next presented him with several human heads and asked Hassan to eat them. He refused.
She offered him a drink from a vessel filled with blood and he declined. The woman chastised
Hassan for refusing to obey his father's wishes that he do whatever is asked of him in the
mountain. She told him if he wants to live, he should kill his father's murderers and that his
reign will be short. Hassan returns home and told his mother what happened. She tells him that
his reign would have been long and easy if he had sat down on the worms; that Yemen and the
Bedouins would have obeyed him if he had eaten the heads; and that he would have become able
to spill blood of the people of the earth if he had drunk the vessel full of blood.
It is at this point that the manuscript of Akhbar breaks and excerpts from Ibn Athir's al-Kamil (d.
1373) completes the story (thus probably dating the manuscript at most from 1373).
Thus as we can see both the Akhbar of 'Ubayd and Kitab al-Tijan whose oldest manuscript is
supposed to be based on a copy of a 1622 A.D. manuscript are seen as legendary works, and the
figure of 'Ubayd is highly suspect. The portion that the Turkish nationalist writer is referencing
has to do with the mythical figure Rayish who lived before Solomon at the time of Moses
(according to Tabari) and ruled for 225 years. The other portion has to do with Ra'ed who ruled
for 163 years. Both of these encounter Turks and defeat them in Azerbaijan and route them out.
However these stories unlike what the Turkish nationalist author wrote is not taking place during
the time of Ummayads (where there was actually a Khazar - Ummayad war) but in the realm of
myth. Both books are simply Himyarite legends. Obviously an Ummayad caliph that ruled over
an area would know where Azerbaijan are and the stories of 'Ubayd in Akhbar are a legend.
Also the fact is that in these mythical stories, the "Turks" are routed from Azerbaijan and are
seen as conquered in some respect.
Let us cross reference these stories with Tabari. Tabari writes:
The Children of Israel
The sons of Isaac were lions when they gilded themselves with the sword belts of death, clothed
in armor, And when they claimed descent they numbered al-Sibahbadh to be of them and
Chosroes, and they counted Hurmuzan and Caesar. Scripture and prophecy were among them,
and they were kings of Istakhr and Tustar. There unites us and the noble ones, sons of Faris, a
father after whom it matters not to us who comes later. Our forefather is the Friend of Allah, and
Allah is our Lord.
We are pleased with what God has bestowed and has decreed.
I was informed by Hisham b. Muhammad: Between themselves Tuj and Sarm ruled the earth for
three hundred years after they had slain their brother iraj. Then Manushihr b. Iraj b. Afridhun
ruled for one hundred and twenty years. Then a son of the son of Tuj the Turk pounced upon
Manushihr, exiling him from the land of Iraq for twelve years. Manushihr, in turn, replaced him,
exiled him from his land, and returned to his rule, reigning for an additional twenty-eight years.
Manushihr was described as just and generous. He was the first who dug trenches and collected
weapons of war, and the first who set up dihqans, imposing a dihqan over each village, making
its inhabitants his chattels and slaves, clothing them in garments of submission, and ordering
them to obey him.
It is said that Moses the Prophet appeared in the sixtieth year of his reign. It has been mentioned
by someone other than Hisham that, when Manushihr became king, he was crowned with the
royal crown, and he said on the day of his enthronement, "We will strengthen our fighting force
and promise them to take vengeance for our forefathers and drive the enemy from our land."
Then he journeyed to the land of the Turks, seeking to avenge the blood of his grandfather Iraj b.
Afridhun. He slew Tuj b. Afridhun and his brother Salm, achieving his revenge; then he left.
He also mentioned Frasiyab b. Fashanj b. Rustam b. Turk (from whom the Turks claim descent)
b. Shahrasb (or, as some say, the son of Arshasb) b. Tuj b. Afridhun the king, (Fashak is also
called Fashanj b. Zashamin). [Frasiyab] did battle with Manushihr sixty years after the latter
had slain Tuj and Salm, and [he] besieged him in Tabaristan. Then Manushihr and Frasiyab
reached an agreement that they would set a boundary between their two kingdoms at the
distance of an arrow shot by a man from among Manushihr's companions named Arishshibatir
(but sometimes one shortens his name and calls him Irash): Wherever his arrow fell from the
place where it was shot, adjacent to the land of the Turks, would be the boundary between them,
which neither of them was to cross to the other side. Arishshibatir drew an arrow in his bow, then
released it. He was given strength and power so that his shot reached from Tabaristan to the
river of Balkh. Because the arrow fell there, the river of Balkh became the boundary between
the Turks and the children of Tuj, and the children of Iraj and the region of the Persians. In this
way, through Arishshibatir shot, wars were ended between Frasiyab and Manushihr.
They have mentioned that Manushihr derived mighty rivers from al-Sarat, the Tigris, and the
river of Balkh. It is said that he was the one who dug the great Euphrates and commanded the
people to plow and to cultivate the earth. He added archery to the art of warfare and gave
leadership in archery to Arishshibatir, owing to the shooting he had performed.
They say that, after thirty-five years of Manushihr's reign had passed, the Turks seized some of
his outlying districts. He reproached his people and said to them: "O people! Not all those you
have sired are people, for people are only truly people so long as they defend themselves and
repel the enemy from them, but the Turks have seized apart of your outlying districts. That is
only because you abandoned warfare against your enemy and you lacked concern. But God has
granted us dominion as a test of whether we will be grateful, and He will increase us, or will
disbelieve and He will punish us, though we belong to a family of renown, for the source of rule
belongs to God. When tomorrow comes, be present!" They said they would and sought
forgiveness.
He dismissed them, and when the next day came, he sent for those possessing royalty and the
noblest commanders.' He invited them and made the leaders of the people enter: he invited the
Chief Magus, who was seated on a chair opposite his throne. Then Manushihr rose on his throne,
with the nobles of the royal family and the noblest commanders rising to their feet. He said: "Be
seated! I stood up only to let you hear my words ". They sat down, and he continued:
O people! All creatures belong to the Creator; gratitude belongs to the One Who grants favors,
as does submission to the Ail-Powerful. What exists is inescapable, for there is none weaker than
a creature, whether he seeks or is sought; there is no one more powerful than a creator or
anyone more powerful than He who has what He seeks [already] in His hand or one weaker than
one who is in the hand of His seeker. Verily, contemplation is light, while forgetfulness is
darkness, ignorance is misguidance. The first has come, and the last must join the first. Before us
there came principles of which we are derivative — and what kind of continued existence can a
derivative have after its purpose disappears?
Verily God has given us this dominion, and to Him belongs praise. We ask Him to inspire us with
integrity, truth, and certainty. For the king has a claim on his subjects, and his subjects have a
claim on him, whereas their obligation to the ruler is that they obey him, give him good counsel,
and fight his enemy, the king 's obligation to them is to provide them with their sustenance in its
proper times, for they cannot rely on anything else, and that is their commerce. The king 's
obligation to his subjects is that he take care of them, treat them kindly, and not impose on them
what they cannot do. If a calamity befalls them and diminishes their gains because a heavenly or
earthly evil comes upon them, he should deduct from the land tax that which was diminished. If a
calamity ruins them altogether, he should give them what they need to strengthen their
rebuilding. Afterward, he may take from them to the extent that he does not harm them, for a
year or two years.
The relationship of the army to the king is of the same status as the two wings of a bird, for they
are the wings of the king. Whenever a feather is cut off from a wing, that is a blemish in it.
Likewise in the case of the king, for he is equally dependent on his wings and feathers. Moreover,
the king must possess three qualities: first, that he be truthful and not lie, that he be bountiful
and not be miserly, and that he be in control of himself in anger, for he is given power with his
hand outstretched and the land tax coming to him. He must not appropriate to himself what
belongs to his troops and his subjects. He must be liberal in pardon, for there is no king more
long-lasting than a king who pardons or one more doomed to perish than one who punishes.
Moreover, a man who errs regarding pardon and pardons is better than one who errs in
punishing. It is necessary that a king be cautious in a matter involving the killing of a person and
his ruin. If a matter requiring punishment is brought to him regarding one of his officials, he
must not show him favor. Let him bring him together with the complainant, and, if the claim of
the wronged one is proved right against him, the sum is transferred from the official to him. But,
if [the official] is unable to [pay], then the king should pay the sum for him and then return the
official to his position, requiring that he make restitution for what he extorted. So much for my
obligation to you. However, I will not pardon one who sheds blood wrongfully or cuts off a hand
without right, unless the aggrieved one pardons. Therefore accept this from me [as my right].
The Turks have coveted you, so protect us and you will only protect yourselves. I have
commanded arms and provisions for you. I am your partner in this matter, for I can only call
myself king as long as I have obedience from you. Indeed, a king is a king only if he is obeyed.
For if he is contradicted, he is ruled and is not a ruler. Whenever we are informed of
disobedience, we will not accept it from the informer until we have verified it. If the report is
true, so be it; if not, we will treat the informer as a disobedient one. Is not the finest act in the
face of misfortune the acceptance of patience and rejoicing in the comfort of certainty? Whoever
is slain in battle with the enemy, I hope for him the attainment of God's pleasure. The best of
things is the submission to God's command, a rejoicing in certainty, and satisfaction in His
judgment. Where is sanctuary from what exists? One can only squirm in the hand of the seeker.
This world is only a journey for its inhabitants; they cannot loosen the knots of the saddle except
in the other [world], and their self-sufficiency is in borrowed things. How good is gratitude
toward the Benefactor and submission to the One to Whom judgment belongs! Wlto owes sub-
mission more to One above him than he who has no refuge except in Him, or any reliance except
on Him! So trust in victory if your determination is that succor is from God. Be
confident of achieving the goal if your intent is sincere. Know that this dominion will not stand
except through w/mghtness and good obedience, suppression of the enemy, blocking the
frontiers, justice to the subjects, and just treatment of the oppressed. Your healing is within you:
the remedy in which there is no illness is uprightness, commanding good and forbidding evil.
For there is no power except in
God. Look to the subjects, for they are your food and drink. Whenever you deal justly with them,
they desire prosperity, which will increase your land-tax revenues and will be made evident in
the growth of your wealth. But, if you wrong the subjects, they will abandon cultivation and leave
most of the land idle. This will decrease your land-tax revenues, and it will be made evident in
the decrease of your wealth. Pledge yourself to deal justly with your subjects. Wtatever rivers or
overflows there are, of which the cost [of repair] is the ruler's, hurry to take care of it before it
increases. But whatever is owed by the subjects of which they are unable to take care, lend it to
them from the treasury of the land taxes. When the times of their taxes come due, take it back
with their produce tax to the extent that it will not harm them: a quarter [of it] each year, or a
third, or a half, so that it will not cause them distress.
This is my speech and my command, O Chief Magus! Adhere to these words, and hold onto what
you have heard this day. Have you heard, O people?They said, "Yes! You have spoken well, and
we will act, God willing" Then he ordered the food, and it was placed before them. They ate and
drank, then left, thankful to him. His rule lasted one hundred and twenty years.
Hisham b. al-Kalbi claimed — in what has been transmitted to me from him — that al-Rarish b.
Qays b. Sayfi b. Saba b. Yashjub b. Yacrub b. Joktan (Qahtan) was one of the kings of Yemen
after Yacrub b. Joktan b. Eber b. Shelah and his brothers, and that the reign of al-Ra'ish in Yemen
was during the days of Manushihr. He was only called al-Raish, although his name was al-
Harith b. Abi Sadad, because of the booty he had plundered from people he raided and had taken
to Yemen,- therefore he was called al-Ra'ish. He raided India, slaying there, taking captives, and
plundering wealth; then he returned to Yemen. He traveled from there and attacked the two
mountains of Tayyi then al-Anbar, then Mosul. He sent out his cavalry from Mosul under the
command of one of his companions, a man called Shimr b. al-Ataf. He fought against the Turks
of the land of Adharbaijan, which was in their hand. He slew the fighters and took their children
captive. He engraved on two stones, which are known in Adharbaijan, what had happened on his
campaign.
Imru al-Qays said about this:
Did he not inform you that Time is a demon, traitor to a pact, gobbling up men? He caused the
"feathered one" to cease his banquets, though he had already ruled plains and mountains, And he
attached Dhu Manar to the claws and set snares for the strangles.
Dhu Manar, whom the poet mentioned, is Dhu Manar b. Radish, the king after his father, and his
name was Abrahah b. al-Radish. He was called Dhu Manar only because he raided the lands of
the west and penetrated them by land and by sea. He feared that his troops might lose their way
on their return journey, so he built a lighthouse tower (manar) with which to guide them. The
people of Yemen claimed that he sent his son, al-c Abd b. Abrahah on his raid to the area of the
most distant lands of the west, where he plundered and seized their wealth. He brought back to
[his father] some ndsnas, which had wild and abominable faces. People were frightened of them
and called him Dhu al-Adhcar (possessor of frightening things). He said further: Abrahah was
one of their kings who penetrated deeply in the earth. I have mentioned the King of Yemen
because I remembered the word of one who claimed al-Ra'ish was ruler in Yemen in the days of
Manushir that the kings of Yemen were governors for the kings of Persia, which was their
dominion before them.
(William M. Brinner, "The history of Al-Tabari: volume III: The Children of Israel", translated
an annotated by William M. Brinner, (Editorial board: Ishan Abbas, C.E. Bosworth, Jacob
Lassner, Franz Rosenthan, Ehsan Yarshater (general editor)). State University of New York
Press, 1991. pp 22-29)
We bring the original Arabic of the last portion as well (accessible through various internet sites
including www.alwaraq.net):
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In another portion of Tabari we read:
"The account of the Kings of Yaman in the Days of Qabus, and After him, the age of
Bahman. B. Isfandyar"
Abu Ja far says: As reported previously, some assert that Qabus lived in the age of Solomon the
son of David. We have also mentioned the kings of the Yaman in the age of Solomon, and the
story of Bilqis, the daughter of Ilsharah.
According to Hisham b. Muhammad al-Kalbi: After Bilqis, kingship over the Yaman went to
Yasir b. Amr b. Ya fur who was called Yasir An'am. He was named Yasir An am (the Gracious)
because of the gifts he bestowed upon them, which strengthened their realm and their loyalty.
The people of the Yaman assert that he conducted raids westward until he reached a dried out
river bed (wadi) called Wadi al-Raml which had never been reached by anybody before him.
Once there, he found no passage beyond it, so abundant was the sand (rami). However, while
staying there, the sand opened up. He then ordered a man of his house, 'Amr by name,
After him ruled a king {tubba'), that is, Tiban As'ad, the father of Karib b. Malki Karib Tubba'
b. Zayd b. Amr b. Tubba', that is, Dhu al-Adhar, the son of Abrahah Tubba' Dhi al-Manar b. al-
Ra'ish b. Qays b. Sayfi b. Saba'. He was called al-Ra'id.
This king lived in the days of Bishtasb and Ardashir Bahman b. Isfandiyar b. Bishtasb. He
emerged from the Yaman on the road taken by al-Ra'ish (and travelled) until he reached two
mountains of the Tayyi'. He then marched toward al-Anbar, but when he reached al-Hirah — this
was at night — he became confused [taHayyara) and stopped, and that place was named al-Hirah.
He left some men there of the tribes of the Azd, Lakhm Judham, Amilah, and Quda'ah. They
built it up and remained there. Later they were joined by people from the tribes of the Tayyi',
Kalb, Sakkun, BalHarith b. Kacb and lyad. The king advanced to al-Anbar, then to Mosul, and
then to Adharbayjan, where he encountered the Turks. He put them to flight, slaying their
fighting men and capturing the children. Following this, he returned to the Yaman where he
spent many years; the kings held him in awe and respect, and they brought him gifts.
A messenger of the king of India came to him with gifts and presents of silk, musk, aloe and
other precious products of In-dia. He saw things the like of which he had not seen before, and
said, "My, is all that I see found in your country?" The messenger replied, "Bless you, some of
what you see is available in our country; most of it is from China". The messenger then
described China to the king: its vastness, fertility, and the extent of its borders. The king swore to
conquer it. He set out at the head of the Himyar along the coast, until he reached al-Raka'ik and
the wearers of black headgear. He sent one of his men — a man called Thabit — with a large force
to China. However, Thabit was wounded; so the king (himself) proceeded until he entered
China. He killed its defenders and plundered what he found there. They assert that his expedition
to China, his stay there, and the return took seven years, and that he left in Tibet twelve thousand
horsemen from Himyar. They are the people of Tibet, and assert nowadays that they are Arabs.
They are Arabs in constitution and pigmentation.. According to Abdallah b. Ahmad al-
Marwazi — his father — Sulayman — Abdallah — Ishaq b. Yahya — Musa b. Talhah: A king
[tubba'] set out with a few Arabs until they lost their way outside (what is now) Kufah. It
became one of the stations where some infirm men remained. It was called Hirah because they
had lost their way [taHayyur). The king proceeded on his way but later returned to them. In the
meantime, they had built up the place as a permanent settlement. The king left for the Yaman but
they stayed on, and among them were people from all the Arab tribes such as Banu Lihyan,
Hudhayl, Tamim, Ju'fl, Tayyf, and Kalb.
(Moshe Perlmann (trans), The History of Al-Tabari. Vol IV. The Ancient Kingdoms. (Editorial
board: Ishan Abbas, C.E. Bosworth, Jacob Lassner, Franz Rosenthan, Ehsan Yarshater (general
editor)), State University of New York Press, Albany, 1989
Ba'lami also sees this myth during the era of Manuchehr and Afrasiyab (legendary Iranian
mythical characters of the Shahnameh), the era before the Prophet Moses. Manuchehr and
Afrasiyab make peace, however after the death of Afrasiyab, the Turks cross Jeyhun and occupy
some Iranain lands.
The Persian Muslim historian Ahmad ibn Mihammad Ibn Miskawayah (d. 1030 A.D) also states
in his Kitab Tajarib al-Umam (here we just bring the translation):
Manuchehr and Rayish ibn Qays
And in his [Manuchehr' s] days, Alrayish bin Qays bin Sifi bin Yashjub bin Ya'rub bin Qahtaan,
who was a king from Yemen, started a military campaign. And the name of Alrayish was
Alhaarith. He invaded India, and he collected great booty. He gave authority to a man of his
circle, who was known as Shamar ben Alattaaf. Then he entered against the Turks from
Azerbaijan, which was during that time in the
hands of Turks, and he killed and enslaved and collected booty. And after him, DhuManaar ben
Alrayish started a campaign. He was called DhuManaar (lit. "he of the Minaret") because he
invaded the lands of the Maghreb(West) and he extended in it by land and sea, and he worried
about his army from destruction after his return, so he built a Minaret (i.e. light-house) to guide
them. Then he sent his son to the furthest parts of the Maghreb, where he collected booty and
got some riches and enslaved some people with ugly distasteful looks — that some people where
horrified and called him DhuAlAthaar ("he of the horrors"). I only mentioned them here
because of the connection with the mention of Manuchehr. The Persians claim that the kings of
Yemen
were subordinated to the kings of Persia, and that Alrayish was invading the Turks and others on
the behalf of Manuchehr. And the Arabs deny this, and claim that their king was no subordinate
to any one.
The coming of Moses in the era of Manuchehr
And in the era of Manuchehr, there appeared Moses (peace be upon him). . .
(Ahmad ibn Muhammad Ibn Miskawayah, "Kitab Tajarib al-Umam", Baghdad, yuTlab min
Maktabat al-Muthanna, 1965.)
Thus as we can see, these stories have no historical basis and are in the real of myth making. Ibn
Khaldun states with regards to Himyar myths: All this information is remote from the truth.
It is rooted in baseless and erroneous assumptions. It is more like fiction of story tellers.
Before we mention the whole statement by Ibn Khaldun, since Tabari and ibn Miskawayah
mentioned the Turanians and Al-Tijan mentions that fictional 'Ubayd heared these stories from
the Persians, we should mention something about the Turanians. One reason to do so is the fact
that the Turanians were an Iranic group themselves and thus these Himyarite myths as well as
the Avesta Turanians have nothing to do with Turks (Altaic) speakers.
Herodotus mentions Scythians attacking Media (Azerbaijan and Kurdistan and Tehran, Isfahan)
before the Achaemenid era. And it is known that the Achaemenids also fought the Scythians.
The Scythians are well known to be of Iranian origin:
"...of Indo-European stock belonging to... the Iranian group, often called the Scythian
group of peoples... they were akin to the ancient Medes, Parthians and Persians. Their
language was related to that of the Avesta..."
[Tadesuz Sulimirski, The Sarmatians, London: Thames & Hudson, 1970, p. 22]
A people called Turanian are mentioned in Avesta and some scholars have claimed that the
episodes between Turanians and Arya tribe in the Avesta parallel the battles of Scythians and
Medes/Achaemenids. That is they have related the Turanians with the Scythians. Chief among
these are the Ossetian scholar Vasily Abaev.
Professor C.E. Boseworth explains:
"In early Islamic times Persians tended to identify all the lands to the northeast of Khorasan
and lying beyond the Oxus with the region of Turan, which in the Shahnama of Ferdowsi is
regarded as the land allotted to Fereydun's son Tur. The denizens of Turan were held to
include the Turks, in the first four centuries of Islam essentially those nomadizing beyond the
Jaxartes, and behind them the Chinese (see Kowalski; Minorsky, "Turan"). Turan thus became
both an ethnic and a geographical term, but always containing ambiguities and contradictions,
arising from the fact that all through Islamic times the lands immediately beyond the Oxus
and along its lower reaches were the homes not of Turks but of Iranian peoples, such as the
Sogdians and Khwarezmians." (Encyclopaedia Iranica, "CENTRAL ASIA: The Islamic period up to
the mongols", C. Edmund Bosworth)
Professor Edward A. Allworth, Emeritus Professor of Turco-Soviet Studies at Columbia
University remarks:"The Iranian tribes (Massagetae and others) east and northeast of the
Persian empire, who disappeared without leaving a trace, were nomadic, as were originally
most, if not all, of the Iranian people as well as those known as Soghdians, Khwarazmians, and
Sakai. They were generally called, in the Persian national tradition, "Turan," as opposed to Iran,
and were always considered enemies of the sedentary Persians. After the arrival of the Turks in
those areas, the term Turan was ascribed by the Persians to them also, as the Turks played the
same dangerous, often disastrous, historical role as had the Iranian nomadic tribes."
(Edward A Allworth, ''Central Asia: A Historical Overview ", Duke University Press, 1994. pp
86.)
Prof. Gherado Gnloli:"Iranian tribes that also keep on recurring in the Yasht, Airyas, Tuiryas,
Sairimas, Sainus and Dahis". (G. Gnoli, Zoroaster's time and homeland, Naples 1980).
According to Prof. Mary Boyce, in the Farvardin Yasht "In it (verses 143-144) are praised the
fravashis of righteous men and women not only among the Aryas (as the "Avestan" people
called themselves), but also among the Turiyas, Sairimas, Sainus and Dahis; and the personal
names, like those of the people, all seem Iranian character". (M. Boyce, History of
Zoroastrianism. 3V. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1991. (Handbuch DerOrientalistik/B. Spuler)).
And again according to Bosworth who quotes a Shahnameh scholar:
"Hence as Kowalski has pointed out, a Turkologist seeking for information in the Shahnama on
the primitive culture of the Turks would definitely be disappointed."
(C.E. Bosworth, "Barbarian Incursions: The Coming of the Turks into the Islamic World." In
Islamic Civilization, Edited by D. S. Richards. Oxford, 1973. pg 2)
The name Turk itself might be related to Turanian. However Altaic speaking Turks are distinct
from the Avesta and Shahnameh (itself based on Avesta and Pahlavi myths) Turanians.
"It is possible that in Islamic times the Turks were really equated with a Tur people of an earlier
age, since the designation 'Turk' is probably a plural Tar-k, with the word 'Tar ' designating
some totem among the Ur-Turks of Central Asia. Hence Turkic Tur-k would equal Iranian Tur-
an, also plural. The history of the word 'Turan ', Scanty though it is, however, must be
investigated. Although the Tura in the Avestan Age were most probably Iranian, perhaps the
memory of the struggles with aborigines played a part in the development of the epic. Later, of
course, the Turks conveniently took the role of the great enemies of Iran. The extent of the
influence of the Iranian epic is shown by the Turks who accepted it as their own history as well
as that of Iran... "
(R.N. Frye, The Heritage of Persia: The pre -Islamic History of One of the World's Great
Civilizations, World Publishing Company, New York, 1963. Pg 40-41)
Thus Kashgari who mentions alp-Tongra and equates to the Avesta Afrasiyab is actually trying
to equate Iranian myths with possibly those of Turks. However, scholars are clear that the
Avesta/Shahnameh Turanians are not Turks (Altaic speakers) but Iranians:
The Shahnameh scholar Ogla M. Davidson also states:
The Turanians, the prime enemies of the Iranians in the Shahnama, are themselves paradoxically
Iranians from the standpoint of Avesta. As the studies of Nyberg have shown the institutions
represented as Turanians in the Avesta are thoroughly Iranian, but they are distinct in both form
and content from the institutions represented as orthodox Iranians. Pictured in the Avesta as
barbaric and predatory nomads, the Turanians seem to have idiosyncratic cult, especially of
vayu, the wind-god warriors, and Anahita, the river-goddess of fertility.
(Olga M. Davidson, "The Crown-Bestower in the Iranian Book of Kings", Brill Archive, 1985.
Pg 83).
Igor M. Diakonoff also connects the Turanians with Iranian Scythians. He states about the
Avesta legends:
"Aryoshana was lated conquered by a chief of the Tura nomad (Turanians, one of the Scythian -
Sacae tribes, also Iranians, perhaps Khoresmians?), called Frangrasyan (12).
Note 12: In later legends he is called Afrasyab. The usage, widespread even in the twentiewth
century , of applying the demonination "Turanian" to Turkic-speaking people, is an older error"
(Igor Mikhailovich Diakonov (translated by Alexandar Kirjanov), "Early antiquity", University
of Chicago Press, 1991. Pg 383)
And as mentioned by Dr. Yarshater
The names of Turanian heroes leaves no doubt that the Turanians also were an Aryan people. In
post-Avestan tradition they were thought to inhabit the region north of the Oxus, the river
separating them from the Iranians. Their presence, and their incessant wars with the Iranians,
help to define the latter as a distinct nation, proud of their land and ready to spill their blood in its
defence.
The continuation of nomadic invasions on the north-eastern borders in historical time kept the
memory of the Turanians alive. After the 6th century, when the Turks, who had been pushed
westward by other tribes, became neighbors of Iran and invaded Iranian lands, they were
identified with the Turanians. Hence the confusion of the two in Islamic sources, including
Shah-nama, and the frequent reference to Afrasiyab as "king of Turks". Concern for the safety
of the Iranian borders and the continuation of the kingdom finds eloquent expression in the
national history and is unifying element in epic cycles.
(Ehsan Yarshater, "Iranian National History," in The Cambridge History of Iran 3(1)(1983), 408-
409)
And all the Avesta Turanian names as well virtually all the Turanian Shahnameh names of
Turanians have clear Iranian etymology. And a detailed etymology of the Iranic Turanian names
have been given Professor Mayrhofer.(M. Mayrhofer, Die avestischen Namen,IPNB 1/1 (Vienna
1977))
Thus it is possible as Abaev has stated, that the Scythians and Massagatae and other East Iranian
tribes are to be identified with the Avesta Turanians. Memories of the fight between
Achaemenids/Medes vs the Scythians/Massagatae might have been mythicized as the form in
these stories, if we are able to take anything from these legends.
But the Yemenese interjections into these myths are from the early centuries of Islam (probably
from 9th century if not later) where rivalry between Iranians and Arabs was taking its height
(Shuabbiyah) and various myths were intermixed in order to prove superiority of one group over
the other (Shuabbiyah movement).
Here we bring the whole quote from Ibn Khaldun (original Arabic is readily available on the
internet) who has already rejected any possibility of warriors from Yemens coming into Iranians
lands such Azerbaijan or Soghd (note by the time of Ibn Khaldun Soghdians were almost extinct
and here he makes a minor mistake since Altaic Turks had replaced Soghdians during his time):
The history of the Tubba's, the king of the Yemen and of the Arabian Peninsula, as it is generally
transmitted, is another example of silly statements by historians. It is said that from their homes
in the Yemen, the Tubba's used to raid Ifriqiyah and the Berbers of the Maghrib. Afriqus b.
Qays b. Sayfi, one of their great early kings who lived in the time of Moses or somewhat earlier,
is said to have raided Ifriqiyah. He caused a great slaughter among the Berbers. He gave them
the name of Berbers when he head their jargon and asked what that barbarah was. This gave
them the name which has remained with them since that time. When he left Maghrib, he is said
to have concentrated some Himyar tribes there. They remained there and mixed with the native
population. Their descentants are the Sinahaj and the Jutamah. This lead at-Tabari, al-Mas'udi,
and other to make the statement that the Sinhajah and the Kutamah belong to the Himyar. The
Berber genealogists do not admit this, and they are right. Al-Mas'udi also mentions that one of
the Himyar kings after Afriqus, Dhu 1-Adh'ar, who lived in the time of Solomon, raided the
Maghrib and forced it into submission. Something similar is mentioned by al-Mas'udi
concerning his son and successor, Yasir. He is said to have reached the Sand River in the
Maghrib and to have been unable to find passage through it because of the great mass of sand.
Therefore, he returned.
Likewise, it is said that the last Tubba', As'ad Abu Karib, who lived in the time of the Persian
Kayyanid king Yastasb, rulved Mosul and Azerbaijan. He is said to have met and routed the
Turks and to have caused a great slaughter among them. Then he raided them again a second
and a third time. After that, he is said to have sent three of his sons on raids, (one) against the
country of Fars, one against the country of Soghdians, one of the Turkish nations of Transoxania,
and one against the country of Rum (Byzantines). The first brother took possession of the
country up to Samarkand and crossed the desert into China. There, he found his second brother
who had raided the Soghdians and had arrived in China before him. The two together caused a
great slaughter in China and returned together with their booty. They left some Himyar tribes in
Tibet. They have been there down to this time. The third brother is said to have reached
Constantinople. He laid siege to it and forced the country of the Rum into submission. Then, he
found his second brother who raided the Soghdians and had arrived in China before him. The
two together caused a great slaughter in China and returned together with their booty. They left
some Himyar tribes in Tibet. They have been there down to this time. The third brother is said
to have reached Constantinople. He laid siege to it and forced the country of the Rum into
submission. Then, he returned.
All this information is remote from the truth. It is rooted in baseless and erroneous
assumptions. It is more like fiction of story tellers. The realm of Tubba's was restricted to the
Arabian peninsula. Their home and seat was San' a' in the Yemen. The Arabian Peninsula is
surrounded by the ocean on three sides: the Indian Ocean on the south, the Persian Gulf jutting
out of the Indian to Basrah on the east, and the Red Sea jutting out of the Indian Ocean to Suez in
Egypt on the west. This can be seen on the map. There is no way from the Yement to the
Maghrib except via Suez. The distance between the Red Sea and the Mediterranean is two days'
journey or less. It is unlikely that the distance could be traversed by a great ruler with a large
army unless he controlled that region. This, as a rule, is impossible. In the region there were the
Amalekites and Canaan in Syria, and, in Egypt, the Copts. Later on, the Amalekites took
position of Egypt, and the Israelites of Syria. There is, however, no report that the Tubba's ever
fought against one of these nations or they had possession of any part the region. Furthermore,
the distance from the Yemen to the Maghrib is great, and an army requires much food and
doffer. Soldiers travelling in regions other than their own have to requisition grain and livestock
and to plunder the countries they pass through. As a rule, such a procedure does not yield
enough food and fodder. On the other hand, if they attempted to take along enough provisions
from their own region, they would not have enough animals for transportation. So, their whole
line of march necessarily takes them through regions they must take possession of and force into
submission in order to obtain provisions from them. Again, it would be most unlikely and
impossible assumption that such an army could pass through all those nations without disturbing
them, obtain its provisions by peaceful negotiations. This shows that all such information is silly
or fictitious.
Mention of the allegedly impassable Sand River has never been heard in the Maghrib, although
the Maghrib has often been crossed and its roads have been explored by travelers and raiders at
all times and in every direction. Because of the unusual character of the story, there is much
eagerness to pass it on.
With regard to the supposed raid of the Tubba's against the countries of the East and the land of
the Turks, it must be admitted that the line of march in this case is wider than the (narrow)
passage at Suez. The distance, however, is greater, and the Persian and Byzantine nations are
interposed on the way to the Turks. There is no report that the Tubba's ever took possession of
the countries of the Persians and Byzantines. They merely fought the Persians on the border of
the 'Iraq and of the Arab countries between al-Bahrayn (Bahrain) and al-Hirah, which were
border regions common to both nations. It would, however, ordinarily have been impossible for
the Tubba's to traverse the land of the Persians on their way to raid the countries of the Turks
and Tibets, because of the nations that are interposed on the way to the Turks, because of the
need for food and fodder, as well as the great distance mentioned before. All information to this
effect is silly and fictitious. Even if the way this information is transmitted were sound, the
points mentioned would cast suspicion upon it. All the more then must the information be
suspect since the manner in which it has been transmitted is not sound. In connection with
Yathrib (Medina) and the Aws and Khazraj, Ibn Ishaq says the last Tubba' travelled eastward to
the 'Iraq and Persia, but a raid by the Tubba's against the countries of the Turks and Tibet is in
no way confirmed by the established facts. Assertion to this effect should not be trusted; all such
information should be investigated and checked with sound norms. The results will be that it
will be most beautifully be demolished.
(Ibn Khaldun, "The Muqaddimah an introduction to History", Translated by Franz Rosenthan;
Edited by N.J. Dawood. Princeton University Press, 1989. )
So to conclude. We have two books in three manuscript, the oldest being a copy of a 1622 A.D.
manuscript called the Akhbar 'Ubayd and Kitab al-Tijan. They talk about mythical Yemenese
Kings battling China, Persia, Iran, Turks and etc. One of the books called Akhbar 'Ubayd has a
fictional diologue between Mua'wiyah and 'Ubayd about Yemenese Kings who ruled for 225
years named Ra'esh. Ra'esh does battle against Turks in Azerbaijan and defeates them and
'Ubayd in the story states that he heared it from the Persians. The characters Ra'esh lived before
the Prophet Solomon and that of Ra'ed during the time of Qobad (in Tabari during the time
around Bahman Ibn Esfandyar both Qobad and Bahman the son of Isfandyar being mythical
characters). Scholars today agree that both these books Akhbar 'Ubayd and Kitab al-Tijan are
myths and we know at the time of Solomon for example, there was no Altaic speakers in the
area. Looking at Persian sources (which the fictional 'Ubayd of Akhbar 'Ubayd said he heared
from), the events of Ra'esh and Ra'ed occur during the time of pre-historic/mythical Shahnameh
characters. They are connected to the Turanians, who if historical, are to be identified with the
Iranian Scythians. As shown, there was never any Yemenese warriors in NW Iran fighting Turks
and all these stories are fictional as noted by Iban Khaldun. The actual history of the region goes
from Iranian Medes, to Achamenids, Selecuids, Parthians and Sassanids. Then the area becomes
part of the caliphate (with occasional intrusions by Khazars which did not have any significant
impact). One the area was stable, it comes under various Arab and Iranic dynasties such as the
Caliphate, Sajids, Shaddadids, Shirwanshahs and etc. It is only with the Seljuq era that Altaic
Turks start settling the area in a noticeable number, however the real influx of Turks occurs
during the Mongol invasion where either large number of Turks were pushed in the area by
fleeing the Mongols or became part of the Mongol army whose bulk was Turkic. By the mid
Safavid era, it appears that most of the area was Turkified.
References (note first name of Author is put first here):
• Ibn Munabahh, Wahb. Kitab al-Tijan Fi Muluk Himyar, San'a, 1979
• L.I. Conrad, "ibn Hisham" in Julie Scott Meisami, Paul Starkeym, "Encyclopedia of Arabic Literature", Taylor
& Francis, 1998.
• R.G. Khoury, "Wahb b. Munabbih", Encyclopaedia of Islam. Edited by: P. Bearman , Th. Bianquis , C.E.
Bosworth , E. van Donzel and W.P. Heinrichs. Brill, 2007. (2nd edition -online version
• H.T. Norris, "Fables and Legends" in Jula Ashtiany, T.M. Johnstone, J.D. Latham, R.B. Serjeant and G. Rex
Smith (editors) in "The Cambridge History of Arabic Lietrautre: 'Abbasid Belles-Lettres", Cambridge University
Press, 1990.
• E.W. Crosby, "The history, poetry, and genealogy of Yemen", Gorgias Press LLC, 2007.
• W. M. Brinner, "The history of Al -Tabari: volume III: The Children of Israel", translated an annotated by
William M. Brinner, (Editorial board: Ishan Abbas, C.E. Bosworth, Jacob Lassner, Franz Rosenthan, Ehsan
Yarshater (general editor)). State University of New York Press, 1991.
• M.Perlmann (trans), The History of Al-Tabari. Vol IV. The Ancient Kingdoms. (Editorial board: Ishan Abbas,
C.E. Bosworth, Jacob Lassner, Franz Rosenthan, Ehsan Yarshater (general editor)), State University of New York
Press, Albany, 1989
• Ahmad ibn Muhammad Ibn Miskawayah, "Kitab Tajarib al-Umam", Baghdad, yuTlab min Maktabat al-
Muthanna, 1965.
• T. Sulimirski, The Sarmatians, London: Thames & Hudson, 1970
• J. Channon & Robert Hudson, Penguin Historical Atlas of Russia, 1995
• C.E. Bosworth, "CENTRAL ASIA: The Islamic period up to the mongols" in Encyclopedia Iranica
• EA. Allworth, "Central Asia: A Historical Overview",Duke University Press, 1994
G. Gnoli, Zoroaster's time and homeland, Naples 1980
M. Boyce, History of Zoroastrianism. 3V. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1991. (Handbuch Der Orientalistik/B. Spuler)
C. E. Bosworth, "Barbarian Incursions: The Coming of the Turks into the Islamic World." In Islamic
Civilization, Edited by D. S. Richards. Oxford, 1973.
O.M. Davidson, "The Crown-Bestower in the Iranian Book of Kings", Brill Archive, 1985.
I.M. Diakonov (translated by Alexandar Kirjanov), "Early antiquity", University of Chicago Press, 1991
R.N. Frye, The Heritage of Persia: The pre-Islamic History of One of the World's Great Civilizations, World
Publishing Company, New York, 1963.
E. Yarshater, "Iranian National History," in The Cambridge History of Iran 3(1)(1983)
M. Mayrhofer, Die avestischen NamenJPNB 1/1 (Vienna 1977).
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